In Parts I and II our quotations have been carefully selected from a large number bearing more or less directly on the subject. From this point the action of the leading Socialist Parties becomes of momentous historic importance, and practically all the principal documents are reproduced in whole or in part, there being very little question as to those that are most essential.

The period covered begins with the Austrian Ultimatum to Servia, issued on July 23d. The end differs in the various countries. One of the first questions brought up by the war was whether the Socialist members of various parliaments were to vote for or against the war appropriations demanded by all the governments involved. Until their attitude towards this practical question was decided the position of the Socialists was not wholly determined. We therefore include in this Part all documents bearing on this question.

In some countries, notably Belgium and France, Socialists were invited to participate in the government. We include in this Part the Socialist statements as to their reasons for this action.

And finally the invasion of Belgium forced a number of small neutral countries to discuss the possibility that they might be forced into the war. So we include in this section documents showing the position of the Socialists of these smaller countries, Holland, Switzerland, Denmark, Sweden, Roumania, Bulgaria, and Portugal, even when that position was defined only several weeks or months after the outbreak of the war. It was a question of a possible extension of the war to these countries. And in this same connection, naturally, we show also the attitude of the Italian Socialists towards the question of neutrality.

CHAPTER IX

THE INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST BUREAU

ON July 29th, the International Socialist Bureau, representing all the world's Socialist Parties, was in session at Brussels. It gave its attention wholly to the danger of war. We reproduce the resolution passed, as well as the speeches made by Haase for the Germans and Jaurès for the French, at the public meeting held in Brussels on the following day. It is scarcely necessary to say that both use the very strongest terms in opposition to war. The speech of Jaurès gains an added importance by the fact that he was assassinated on the following day, while Haase, speaking in the Reichstag, less than a week later, made the official declaration of the German Party indorsing the war, and giving the Socialist support to the war loan.

The resolution unanimously passed by the Bureau was as follows:

In assembly of July 29th the International Socialist Bureau has heard declarations from representatives of all nations threatened by a world war, describing the political situation in their respective countries.

By a unanimous vote, the Bureau considers it an obligation for the workers of all nations concerned not only to continue but even to strengthen their demonstrations against war in favor of peace and of a settlement of the Austro-Servian conflict by arbitration.

The German and French workers will bring to bear on their governments the most vigorous pressure in order that Germany may secure in Austria a moderating action, and in order that France may obtain from Russia an undertaking that shé

will not engage in the conflict. On their side the workers of Great Britain and Italy shall sustain these efforts with all the power at their command.

It was further resolved that "the International Socialist Bureau congratulates the Russian workers on their revolutionary attitude, and invites them to continue their heroic efforts against Czardom as being one of the most effective guarantees against the threatened world war."

The International Bureau held no further meetings. This is important, since it had been intrusted by the International Congresses, whenever a war was threatened, with doing everything in its power to prevent it (see Chapter III). The discussion at the Congresses also showed that the Socialists were fully aware of the difficulty of concerted action at such a moment, but in spite of this realization deliberately staked their hopes entirely on the Bureau. The Socialist parties of the great nations, however, made no special effort to make use of the Bureau, as they did not intrust their representatives in Brussels with any special powers, and did not even instruct them to remain in session.

In Brussels on July 30th the International Bureau participated in a monster demonstration against the war. The speech of Haase is final evidence that, even after the Russian mobilization, the German Socialists were against the war, and the speech of Jaurès shows strongly the French Socialist feeling against war-before the invasion of Belgium.

Haase, representing Germany, said:

The Austrian ultimatum was then, in reality, an actual provocation for a war both longed for and awaited. Servia's answer was, it is known, drawn up in a spirit so moderate that, if good faith were admissible on the part of the Austrians, peace would be assured. Austria wanted war. But what is so dreadful, is the fact that this criminal madness can cover all Europe with blood.

Austria apparently desires to count upon Germany.

But

the German Socialists declare that secret treaties do not pledge the proletariat. The German proletariat contends that Germany ought not to intervene even if Russia should intervene. Let our enemies take care. It is possible that the different peoples, tired out by such manifold misery and oppression, will finally wake up and establish a Socialistic society. (Our italics.)

Jaurès, representing France, spoke as follows:

And Germany? If she knew all along the tenor of the Austrian note, she can in no way be excused for having permitted such a step. And if official Germany did not know, in what lies all her much-vaunted governmental wisdom? What! A contract binds you and drags you to war, and you do not know what the contract is? I want to know what people ever afforded such an example of anarchy.

As for us French Socialists, our duty is simple; we have but to impose upon our government a policy of peace. Our government practices peace. For myself, who have never hesitated to take upon my shoulders the hatred of our jingoes through my obstinate desire-which will never fail-for Franco-German conciliation, I have a right to say that at the present moment the French Government desires peace and is working for the maintenance of peace.

The French Government has taken the initiative in conciliation. And she gives Russia counsels of prudence and patience.

As for ourselves, it is our duty to insist that the government speak forcibly enough to Russia to make her keep hands off. But if Russia, unfortunately, should not take notice, our duty is to say: "We know but one treaty, the treaty, that which binds us to the human race!"

Such is our duty, and on voicing it we found that we shared the opinion of our comrades in Germany, who are asking their government to make Austria moderate her acts.

But for the absolute masters, the ground is undermined. If in the mechanical seduction and intoxication of first struggles they succeed in luring the masses, just as typhoid will finish the work of the shells and as death and misery will aid in striking down men, so the masses, sobered down and come

to their senses, will turn towards the directing Germans, French, Russians, Italians, and will ask what reasons they can give for all these corpses. And then revolution, freed from its chains, will say to them: "Away and seek pardon from God and man!"

The proletariat has already imbibed the feeling of its strength, and once it has acquired a little pride, millions and millions of proletarians, through the organ of their delegates, will come to Paris to affirm their desire for justice and peace.

The entire audience stood up, waved their hats and handkerchiefs, and applauded the speaker for more than five minutes. "It was a most stirring demonstration and one never to be forgotten," we read in the press report.