monarchial rule. We have frequently attacked most bitterly the temperamental occupant of the throne. But we here openly admit, and it is not the first time, that the attitude of William II in the years past has been that of a friend of peace. If human power and good will could control the destinies of many millions in the light of humanity and common sense, our fears in the present crisis would be small. But even the most resolute of men are not impervious to outside influence. And we regret to say that the indications prove beyond doubt that the camarilla of war lords is working with absolutely unscrupulous means to circumvent all plans of the government, to carry out their fearful designs, to precipitate an international war, to start a world-wide fire, to devastate Europe. (Our italics.)

[A controversy arose later as to the meaning of this paragraph. Vorwaerts made it clear that it was not meant as an approval of the Kaiser or his policy.]

The next day mobilization was ordered, and it is especially important to search the Vorwaerts editorial to see if it was finally swept along in the nationalistic current. On the contrary, we find it more strongly than ever insisting on the responsibility of Austria and of Germany.

(Vorwaerts, July 31st)

Let us consider only the situation as it stands to-day, the need of the hour. Let us examine for a moment Austria's assurance that the conflict will be localized.

This localization is a hobby with the Austrian and the German governments. They assure us that there is no danger of a world war. It is simply a question that must be settled between Austria and Servia, which concerns nobody but the parties involved. But should Russia insist upon assisting Servia, it would mean German interference-in short, the world war.

Russia, like all nations concerned, dreads the world war. But the German and Austrian governments must realize that the Czar's Russia, from his point of view, cannot permit the unconditional sacrifice of its protégé Servia.

Russia's internal political troubles as well as the influence

of the pacific French Government, will cause Russia to practice the greatest possible self-control, to make the most liberal concessions. But it seems practically out of the question that it should turn Servia over for better or worse into the hands of the Austrians.

Austria has given the most sacred assurances that this shall be no war for new territory. Russia, however, demands likewise the positive guarantee that the political freedom of Servia be not disturbed. That, as a matter of fact, is the real question at issue.

Will Austria demand from Servia concessions that will strike its name from the list of independent nations? Or will it be satisfied to insure itself against new Servian conspiracies and assassinations?

Is it possible that Austria can be so utterly without conscience, that it remains deaf to all warnings? Is it possible that Germany is determined to go through thick and thin with such an ally?

On the morning of the day when war was declared the official daily organ of the German Party once more reaffirmed its position: Not merely was the war an affair of the German Government rather than the German people, but the governments of Austria and Germany were to blame above all the rest. Russian mobilization was shown to be an insufficient pretext for war, and German victory was declared to be improbable—in as strong language as the conditions would allow (if the paper was to reach the public).

(Vorwaerts, August 1st: Europe's Fateful Hour)

But Russia's mobilization does not need to make Germany nervous, because Russia—because of the organization of its army, and the wide extent of its territory-certainly needs a far longer time for mobilization than does Germany.

So there is still time for negotiations which might protect the civilized mankind of Europe from the great calamity, and especially Germany, since it is certainly true, to use the words of William II himself, that it will have to make enor

mous sacrifices in blood and property if this fate is truly unavoidable.

And we cannot even now regard it as unavoidable, because no country, no group of Powers can calculate with certainty upon victory, laurels, and political successes. italics.)

(Our

Nor did Vorwaerts change its policy after the outbreak of the war. And it has not changed it up to the present day, except in so far as certain matters are not permitted to be discussed by the military censors. Even these forbidden topics, as our later quotations show, are indirectly discussed; or else Vorwaerts demonstratively asserts that it is forced to be silent as to this, that, or the other question-often a sufficient indication of its opinion.

(Vorwaerts, August 3d)

On Monday, August 3d, the very day when the Social Democratic group in the Reichstag decided to vote in favor of the war budget, the Vorwaerts printed an article condemning German "patriotism" and the "patriots" who suddenly became warriors for "freedom against Czarism."

The article, which is entitled "War Against Czarism," exposes the fallacy of German patriotic jingoists who have for years been trying to plunge the country into a war by crying that it is being menaced by the

enemy.

It also ridicules the position of the government which for years has sided with Russian barbarism and the Czar and persecuted Socialists for "insulting" Nicholas, but which suddenly changed its front and adopted the stand of Marx, Engels, and Bebel, who always spoke of the necessity of smashing the Czar's rule:

The article continues:

Since the above-named leaders of the Social Democracy expressed their opinion that it was necessary to wage a democratic war against Russian despotism, conditions have changed considerably.

Russia to-day is no longer a stronghold of reaction, but it is a land of revolution. The overthrow of the monarchy and Czarism is now the aim of the Russian people in general and the Russian workers in particular.

The article then goes on to state that shortly before war was declared Russia was in the midst of a revolutionary blaze that was sweeping the country. Czarism has not been weakened by the declaration of war, but, on the contrary, it has been considerably strengthened. The war has given the despotic government a chance to distract the hatred of vast numbers of Russian people against the monarchy and Czarism, and gain the confidence of the people by its incitation against the Germans. By its agitation, the German Socialist Democracy had shown the Russian people that their enemy is not across the border, but right in their own home.

Nothing was more unpleasant to the Russian reactionaries, the "real Russian" jingoes, than to hear of the great peace demonstrations of the German Socialists, continues the editorial. Oh, how glad they would have been to come out to the revolutionary working class in Russia and say, "Why, the German Socialists call upon the people to war against the Russian people."

The "Little Father" at St. Petersburg would have felt as though a great burden had been removed from him. He would have exclaimed: "That's just what I need! Now, that the German Socialists call upon the people to war on Russia, my worst enemy, the revolutionary movement, has broken its backbone. The international solidarity of the working class is now smashed, and I can get a chance to call out a yell of patriotic nationalism. Oh, I am saved!"

Vorwaerts here definitely rejects one of the chief arguments by which the Reichstag Socialist majority-on the next day-justified their support of the war.

The Socialist world, which had read the editorials of Vorwaerts, was thunderstruck in the early days of August to learn that the Germans Socialists had voted

in favor of the war credits in the Reichstag-an action, on the face of it at least, in contradiction to the position of the party press before the war and to the famous precedent established by Bebel and Liebknecht, known to every Socialist, when they abstained from such a vote in 1870.

The official party explanation of this action, read by Haase, Chairman of the Reichstag Delegation at the session of August 4th, was as follows:

THE SOCIALIST PARTY DECLARATION ON VOTING FOR THE

WAR LOAN (AUGUST 4TH)

A most serious hour is upon us, an hour in which a matter of life and death confronts us. The results of the imperialistic policy which furnishes cause for the entire world to take up arms and permits the horrors of war to engulf us, the results of this policy, I say, have broken forth like a storm flood.

The responsibility for this calamity falls upon supporters of this policy. We, ourselves, are not responsible. (Applause.)

The Social Democratic Party has always combated this policy to the utmost, and even to this hour we have agitated for the maintenance of peace by great demonstrations in all countries, and, above all, by our co-operation with our French brothers. Our exertions have been in vain. And now we are only too surely confronted by the fact that war is upon us and that we are menaced by the terror of foreign invasion. The problem before us now is not the relative advisability of war or peace, but a consideration of just what steps must be taken for the protection of our country. At this moment let us think of the millions of our compatriot comrades who, through no fault of their own, will be involved in this calamity; it is they who will suffer most acutely from the devastation that war inevitably brings in its train.

Our best wishes accompany those of our brothers who have been summoned to arms, no matter what their party. (Applause from all parties.) We think also of the mothers who must be separated from their sons, and of the wives and