are correspondingly more revolutionary; but they are also nearer to the still more dangerous Russian despotism. Doubtless this is why their position in the war seems to be so similar to that of the Austrians. We quote from an article against censorship in their official daily organ, Nepzava:

In other countries it is understood that in these extraordinarily serious times everything must be laid aside which tends to keep men apart. Since the whole nation is engaged in a life and death struggle, the state cannot afford to call the attention of citizens to the fact that there are fighting classes within the framework of the nation. Everything must be avoided which might make difficult a victory of our arms. All must fight together when the common enemy of civilization endangers all.

And while we stir up the Hungarian workingmen from day to day, and point out where the danger for them lies in the Russian attack, we confront continuously, in the midst of the strongest cannon fire, political trials inside of the country. This week again Nepzava had more of these trials.

But the workers fighting on the field of battle not only have prosecutions heaped up against them, but our officials demand the prompt payment of fines. . . The conduct of the prosecuting officials and justices cannot change our point of view. We shall still say that it is the duty of the working class to defend the country. We shall still say that Czarism is a danger for the civilization of western Europe. We shall still declare that Russia is the land of slavery, and that it will also continue to be our conviction that in such troubled times what is needed is the co-operation and the solidarity of all the citizens of the state, and not the severity of justice nor new legal prosecutions. We shall also continue to smile at those who even now will not believe that in times of threatening danger the best weapon of protection is to be found in a strong, popular army, and not in the royal Hungarian Courts.

CHAPTER XII

THE BRITISH EMPIRE

THE Socialists of Great Britain have only seven Members of Parliament. But the Labor Party, of which these seven are also members, has forty Members of Parliament (out of 607) and over half a million votes. This vote has risen by about 150,000 since 1910. The Independent Labor Party is the leading Socialist organization, which-as a party-is a part of the Labor Party. Six of the forty Labor Party members belong also to this organization. The British Socialist Party has one Member of Parliament, who is likewise a member of the Labor Party. But as an organization this latter party is at present not a part of the Labor Party.

The selection of British documents is complicated by the fact that it is always necessary to give the position of these several organizations, the Labor Party, its Socialistic wing (The Independent Labor Party), and the British Socialist Party, as well as the more or less independent Fabian Society. The position of these various organizations may be stated in a word. All opposed the declaration of war, but the British Socialist Party and the Labor Party, immediately after the invasion of Belgium, came to favor it. The Fabian Socialists turned, more gradually, to the same opinion. The Independent Labor Party opposed the war for some weeks, and finally came officially to take a middle ground-permitting its members to support the war without itself justifying it-though it continued to oppose participation in the recruiting campaign.

The general situation among these various groupsup to the invasion of Belgium and British participation in the war-is well described by the Socialist Review (London), which organ, as may be seen, favors the radical anti-war stand of the Independent Labor Party.

How has the British Socialist and labor section of the International conducted itself in the crisis? We gather that a good deal of confusion exists in the minds of Socialists abroad concerning the position taken up by the movement in this country. This is hardly to be wondered at, considering how sharp and deep has become the division of opinion in the movement itself since the war broke out. The division is an unequal one, however the Independent Labor Party (the I. L. P.) standing almost alone in its unfaltering adhesion to the principles of international Socialism and peace.

Up to the moment when the government declared war, the Socialist and labor movement in this country, as in France, Germany, and other lands, was united and solid in opposing militarism and war, and in agitating against the government entering into the present struggle. Also, as in France, Germany, and the other belligerent countries, as soon as its own government spoke the word of war, the whole movement with the exception of the I. L. P. and a few individuals and branches belonging to other groups of the movement, at once turned round about, abandoned pacifist principles, declared the war was unavoidable, approved the policy of the government in taking part in it, and appealed to the workers to take up arms in “defense of their country."

How sudden and complete was the change in the attitude of the movement at the beat of the war drum at its own country's doors will be realized when we recall the circumstance under which the movement had pledged itself against war even at the last hour. As late as Friday, July 31st, the day on which news reached this country that Russia had ordered a general mobilization of her troops, and war between France and Germany was regarded as a foregone conclusion, at a meeting of the British committee of the International Bureau, representative of all sections of the British movement, a manifesto was adopted (drafted by Mr. Hyndman), declaring resolutely for peace, urging the British Government to re

main neutral in the event of war, and warning the British, not against German militarism, but against Russian aggression and Russian despotism. On the following Saturday and Sunday (August 1st and 2d) huge "Stop the War" meetings, under the auspices of the bureau and the Labor Party, were held in London and other cities. At the London Trafalgar Square meeting every shade of Socialist and labor opinion was represented. Among the speakers were J. Keir Hardie, M. P.; Arthur Henderson, M. P.; Will Thorne, M. P.; George Lansbury, Ben Tillett, and Cunninghame-Graham. Mr. Henderson, who referred to the news published in the morning when war had broken out between Russia and France and Germany, said that "unless we are on our guard we may be reduced to the same position as Germany, Russia, and France. We are here to protest against the war in the name of international brotherhood," Mr. Thorne declared that the whole country was waiting for Mr. Asquith to make a declaration of neutrality. "What do we," he exclaimed, "the workers, know of this unholy Triple Alliance that bids one nation to assist another in wholesale slaughter? If under the terms of this alliance we are called upon to back up Russia and France, the government should be called upon to resign." Tillett averred that "the workers had the right to say they would not be embroiled." Cunninghame-Graham described as a "damnable lie the statement that war was 'inevitable.' It is not inevitable so far as England is concerned. Great Britain still has the casting vote, and had she given Russia and France to understand she would have nothing to do with this terrible war, Russia would have ceased her bluffing and Germany would never have had an opportunity to impel war." In none of the speeches was reference made to Germany as the aggressor, or German military autocracy as the chief menace to European peace.

JOINT RESOLUTION ADOPTED AT TRAFALGAR SQUARE

(AUGUST 2D)

The resolution adopted at the last-mentioned meeting was as follows:

This demonstration, representing the organized workers and citizens of London, views with serious alarm the prospects of

a European war, into which every European Power will be dragged owing to secret alliances and understandings, which in their origin were never sanctioned by the nations nor are even now communicated to them; we stand by the efforts of the international working class movement to unite the workers of the nation concerned in their efforts to prevent their governments from entering upon war, as expressed in the resolution passed by the International Socialist Bureau; we protest against any steps being taken by the government of this country to support Russia, either directly or in consequence of any understanding with France, as being not only offensive to the political traditions of the country, but disastrous to Europe, and declare that as we have no interest, direct or indirect, in the threatened quarrels which might result from the action of Austria in Servia, the government of Great Britain should rigidly decline to engage in war, but should confine itself to efforts to bring about peace as speedily as possible.

MANIFESTO OF THE BRITISH SECTION OF THE INTERNA

TIONAL SOCIALIST BUREAU (AUGUST 3D)

On the next day, August 3d, the representatives of the British Labor Party and the British Socialists to the International Socialist Bureau, Arthur Henderson, M.P., and Keir Hardie, M.P., issued a similar statement, of which the following is the most significant paragraph:

Whatever may be the rights and wrongs of the sudden crushing attack made by the militarist Empire of Austria upon Servia, it is certain that the workers of all countries likely to be drawn into the conflict must strain every nerve to prevent their governments from committing them to war. Everywhere Socialists and the organized forces of labor are taking this course. Everywhere vehement protests are made against the greed and intrigues of militarists and armament mongers. We call upon you to do the same here in Great Britain upon an even more impressive scale. Hold vast

demonstrations against war in every industrial center. Compel those of the governing class and their press who are eager