which may now let loose upon Europe a catastrophe without precedent, the proletariat of all countries must raise their protest. They must express their horror of war and their intention to prevent it. The Socialists, the workers of France, make an appeal to the whole country to use all efforts for the maintenance of peace. They know that in the present crisis the French Government is most sincerely anxious to avert or to diminish the risks of conflict. It is asked to apply itself to securing a policy of conciliation and mediation rendered all the easier by the readiness of Servia to accede to the major portion of the Austrian demands. It is asked to influence its ally, Russia, in order that she shall not seek a pretext for aggressive operations under cover of defending the interests of the Slavs. Their efforts thus correspond with those of the German Social Democrats in demanding that Germany shall exercise a moderating influence on her ally, Austria. Both at their posts of action have the same work and the same end. (Our italics.)

On July 27th, according to the Daily Citizen, the Federation of the Trade Unions of the Seine held a demonstration against the war. Some 8,000 to 10,000 persons took part, among them being many Socialists. A rally took place in front of the offices of the Matin, where the "Internationale" was sung, after which the crowd shouted, "Down with the war!"

The police appeared on the scene and charged the demonstrators in an attempt to disperse them. Many arrests were made, among them being that of M. Bon, a Socialist deputy.

Under the date of July 29th, we read:

Violent scenes were witnessed on the Paris boulevards last night.

The Socialists were out in force to protest against the war, but they were met by hundreds cheering the declaration of hostilities.

Frequent collisions occurred between the two parties, and many arrests were made. Five or six thousand people collected outside the offices of the Matin, and traffic was entirely held up.

Undoubtedly the most weighty document issued by French or Belgian Socialists was their joint manifesto which was spread by aëroplanes in the territory held by the Germans. It came into special prominence because it was signed by the members of Executive Committee of the International Socialist Bureau, who stated this fact after their signatures. This aroused the bitter criticism of the German and Austrian Socialist Parties, who took occasion also to repudiate its arguments, although without entering into any discussion. The French and Belgians, therefore, republished the document with a statement of its origin, as follows:

The document which follows was written since the first fortnight of the war by agreement between the Belgian and French Socialist sections [of the international movement] for the purpose of showing to the other sections the reasons for the position assumed by the Socialists of the two countries. [The original document here follows.]

With regard to the French section we need not go back to the period preceding the war when the general excitement about the colonial policy and armaments was growing, when we were opposing the Moroccan policy and the three-year military service law, the result and consequence of the German military law providing for increase of the standing army [which was supported by the German Socialists-see Chapter V].

It is of the crisis that brought about the war that we want to speak. This crisis burst like a plot upon Austria's ultimatum to Servia, and, what is more, when Austria had rejected Servia's pacific and conciliatory answer, there was no doubt that imperialistic Germany inspired Austria and wanted

war.

During those critical hours, and in order to obey the mandates of the international movement, we kept in touch with the French Government, which we above all urged to second with all possible energy the English mediation, the best chance there was for peace, and to bring its influence to bear upon the Russian Government in favor of this peace.

And we ascertained that the French Government sincerely wanted peace and put forth, as we asked, its best efforts to maintain it.

On the afternoon of the very day of the breach of the negotiations the delegation of the Socialist group of the Chamber of Deputies called on the president of the Cabinet, M. Viviani.

M. Viviani did not conceal from us the fact that, notwithstanding his efforts, the aggressiveness of imperialist Germany every minute rendered improbable the maintenance of peace, but he asserted that the French Government till the very last moment would do everything possible to make the most of whatever possibilities of peace remained; that, notwithstanding the raids of German troops on French soil, the French troops remained eight kilometers on this side of the frontier, and that nothing would be done, on the French side, that might hurt the continuation of negotiations for peace which was so much desired and was possible so long as the German Ambassador, M. de Schoen, remained in Paris.

We insisted and strongly demanded that a new and demonstrative manifestation of their willingness to retain France's peace be made immediately, that a specific demand of new intervention and mediation be addressed to England with formal declaration of complete and energetic support from France.

M. Viviani seemed to us decidedly in favor of it and promised to submit the proposition to a meeting of the Cabinet that very evening. But we had been gone hardly an hour when M. de Schoen called on him at the office of the Minister of Foreign Affairs and asked for his passports.

The German Socialists of the Lese Club, living in Paris, daily witnesses of the occurrences and of our efforts, have fully approved our attitude and shared our hopes.

We have reason to believe, however, that the German working class, deceived by official news, has not exact knowledge of the facts and we submit to them for consideration the great fact, the full meaning of which proves on which side was aggressiveness shown: the violation of Belgian territory.

After having falsely stated, before the declaration of war, that French aviators had dropped bombs on Nuremberg, the imperial German Government asserted, without any more foundation, that the French troops had invaded or prepared

to invade Belgium, while at that very time France was renewing to England the formal agreement, already made regarding Belgium, to respect its neutrality.

Under this pretext, Germany itself ordered Belgium to give free passage to its army, and upon Belgium's refusal it declared war against it, besieged Liège and invaded its territory.

These facts, which we submit to the judgment of the international proletariat, suffice to establish from which side aggression came, from which side war was sought. If in this hour of crisis we have found ourselves united, in parliament and in the whole country, with all the other parties of the nation, it is because we were conscious of fighting for the principles which we have so often affirmed in common.

It was not with the idea of aggression, it was not even because it had sentiments of ill will and hostility that our government resolved to go to war.

We have every certainty of defending the independence and autonomy of our nation against German imperialism. We do not fight against the German people, whose autonomy and independence we equally respect.

It is with the certainty of supporting the principle of liberty, the right of the people to dispose of themselves, that the French and Belgian Socialists suffer the hard necessity of

war.

They are certain that once the truth shall be established their action will be approved and they will be joined by the Socialists of Germany.

For the French Socialist Party: The delegates to the International Socialist Bureau: Jules Guesde, Jean Longuet, Marcel Sembat, Édouard Vaillant.

For the Belgian Labor Party: The delegates to the International Socialist Bureau: Edouard Anseele, Louis Bertrand, Camille Huysmans, Émile Vandervelde.

One distinction made in this statement must be carefully noted. Most Socialists attach little importance to treaties, even to treaties of neutrality, which they favor. The French and Belgian Socialists do not accuse Germany of violating its own solemn promise. They accuse Germany of violating Belgian territory. For if

there is one principle upon which Socialists have been unanimous, it is their respect for the sovereignty and independence of each nation, as is proven by documents already quoted in Part I.

Scarcely less important is the official statement of the French Party, issued on August 28th, when it sent two representatives into an anti-Socialist Ministry. We give selections from this exceptionally important document also at some length:

Comrades: It is after due deliberation and mature thought that the Socialist Party has authorized two of its members, our friends, Jules Guesde and Marcel Sembat, to enter the new government, and that it has constituted them its delegates for the national defense. All the representatives of the Socialist parliamentary group, the Permanent Administrative Commission, and the Administrative Council of L'Humanité have agreed to assume with them the grave responsibilities that they have consented to undertake.

If it were but a ministerial rearrangement, if it were only a question of adding certain new forces to the old government -some of those fresh forces in which our party is so rich— still more, if it were merely one of ordinary participation in a bourgeois government, neither the consent of our friends nor of ourselves would have been obtained.

It is the future of the nation, it is the life of France, that are in the balance to-day. The party, therefore, has not hesitated.

The truth, foreshadowed, announced by us has burst forth. Without being broken through or in any way affected, our armies find themselves, momentarily, falling back before superior numbers. One of the richest and most industrial districts of our country is menaced.

The national unity which at the beginning of the war once more revealed itself and comforted our hearts must display all its power.

The entire nation must rise for the defense of its soil and its liberty in one of those outbursts of heroism which always repeat themselves in similar hours of our history.

The Chief of the government felt that in order to win over