the tide turned, and the middle classes, together with a large part of the ruling class, clamored for war against Austria. This difficulty is illustrated by the resignation of the editor of the official party daily, the Avanti, who was one of the party's best known leaders.

The Executive Committee of the Socialist Party in its meeting of October 20th discussed the international situation. The director of the Avanti, Mussolini, proposed a resolution in which it was declared that the formula of absolute neutrality which had formerly been the party's position, was too rigid and dogmatic in view of the international situation which was becoming more complicated and more subject to unexpected events. The party should therefore refrain from deciding future tactics of the party in case of war, until the events themselves gave the basis upon which to act. This resolution of Mussolini was supported by no other member of the Party Executive, which reaffirmed its former decisions, and in a manifesto to the working people declared its opposition to war and its determination to maintain its advocacy of neutrality. After the rejection of his motion, Mussolini resigned from the editorship of the Avanti.*

A few weeks later a mass meeting was held in Milan to discuss this question. Mussolini had a large number of adherents, but was still in a minority. He then founded an independent newspaper advocating war against Germany and Austria, and, shortly before the end of the year, was expelled from the party.

The difficulties of the party were increased by the anti-Austrian attitude of other Socialists, notably Battisti, formerly a leader of the Italian Socialists in Austria and member of the Austrian parliament, and Raimondo, a member of the Italian parliament but recently expelled from the Socialist Party on the doubtful ground of his free-masonry.

But most of the Socialist anti-Austrian sentiment

*Vorwaerts, October 21st.

came from the Socialist Reform Party, which includes such well-known personalities as Bissolati, member of parliament from Rome, one of Italy's leading orators, and Podrecca, editor of L'Asino.

In the very first days of the war it recorded its opinion that the victory of the Triple Entente, Great Britain, France, and Russia, would not only aid universal disarmament, but at the same time open the way to an exchange of national opinions and help the proletariat both socially and economically.

It declared also the victory of the Entente Powers would assure Italy's predominance over Austro-Hungary in Balkan questions.

Gradually this party developed a propaganda for actual participation in the war against Austria.

By the end of September the Socialist Party felt obliged to assume a more aggressive position in its neutrality, and to take a stand against the pressure of the Allies as it had previously done against Germany and Austria. This new neutrality was developed in the following proclamation:

NEUTRALITY PROCLAMATION OF ITALIAN PARTY

Socialist Comrades, Italian Workers: More than two months have now gone by since the day on which accursed war threw the nations of civilized Europe against one another. While the terrible massacre continues, the bourgeois governments, by the notes and polemics of their agencies, by the speeches of their Ministers, seek to throw upon their respective enemies the initial responsibility for the tremendous conflict. All this is false and artificial. They are responsible in common, and in common they must answer for it before history. Leaving out of the question pacific and heroic Belgium, which has had to endure the vandalism of the invasion of the German armies, the settlement of the exact responsibility for the events is of minor interest. The primary and fundamental responsibility for the war is to be traced back to the

present capitalistic system, based on the rivalry of the states. Italy alone of all the greater countries has been able to keep out of the gigantic conflict and to declare itself neutral. In bringing about this decision of the government the resolute attitude assumed by the Socialist Party and the proletariat ever since the commencement of the crisis has not been without effect. As a matter of fact, the Triple Alliance treaty is dead, though it still has a sterile existence in the diplomatic protocol. The declaration of neutrality received the unanimous approval of public opinion. But since a few weeks ago parties without a large following and other currents are agitating to push the government toward intervention in the European conflagration. We see arising a "state of mind" very similar to that which preceded the enterprise in Libya. The urgent necessity of a great ministry of national concentration is pointed out. War against the ally of yesterday, and, therefore, also against Germany, is demanded.

The Socialist Party makes this appeal to you and trusts it is not in vain. The Socialist deputies will not vote the military credits for a war of aggression, resulting from a grotesque and contradictory foreign policy made up of expedients and devoid of ideals, for which the Italian governing classes and the dynasty are responsible.

In the middle of February the Socialists and labor unionists held a conference at Milan. Turati had proposed a resolution for the conference, in which he affirmed that the Italian Socialists repudiated with equal strength and at the same time, as aberrations from a sane Socialist conception, both the ideas of Hervéism, which denied country and nationality, and the facile "interventionism" of the nationalists and friends of

war.

Opposed to that resolution was one advocated by Malatesta (the anarchist), which was taken to mean the proclamation of a general strike in case of war, though that pacifist weapon was not specifically mentioned. It read: "The Socialist group, convinced of the necessity of converting into positive practical and resolute action

the opposition manifested by the Italian Socialist proletariat against the military intervention of Italy in the European conflict, confides to the Party Executive, in accordance with the directive organizations of the proletariat, the task of carefully preparing a simultaneous action from which no means whatever is to be excluded a priori." That resolution was adopted by 182 votes, against 125 votes cast for the resolution drafted by Turati.

Here is an implied indorsement of the use of the general strike in case of war; but its opponents, as may be seen, are almost as numerous as its advocates-even among the organized working people.

CHAPTER XVIII

THE OTHER NEUTRAL NATIONS

AT first the invasion of Belgium and the voting of the war loan by the German Socialists seemed to incline the Socialists of the smaller neutral nations, especially the immediate neighbors of Germany, against that country. But gradually the need of maintaining their own neutrality and the heavy military burdens forced upon them by the war led to the position that the victory of one or the other of fighting groups was of less importance than to prevent the spread of the war. The danger arising from the rapid growth of nationalism, the enemy of Socialism, within these countries was also a contributing cause, as well as the difficulty of successful Socialist agitation under the prevailing conditions. In a word the Socialists of these little nations seemed more and more overwhelmed by their own troubles and less and less inclined to go deeply into the causes of the war, which might lead them to take sides with the Socialists of one or another of the warring nations. This change will be noted by comparing the documents here quoted with those referred to in Part IV, where we discuss Socialist opinions about the war.

HOLLAND

In the election of 1913 the Dutch Socialists increased their delegation in Parliament from 7 to 19. Their vote had risen (in three years) more than 50 per cent. They