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We review in this, our concluding section, two closely related questions:

(1) In the light of the present war, how are future wars to be prevented and peace made permanent?

(2) On what basis is the present war to be stopped and peace secured?

In discussing the present war and its causes many Socialists, probably a majority, were disposed to make the claim that it had proved the Socialist position to be sound and in need of no radical amendment. In the discussion of possible ways to make peace permanent after the present war, on the other hand, there is noticeable a far more wide-spread tendency toward innovation, toward a re-examination and further development of the Socialist peace policy as it existed before the war.

The general discussion of the means of preventing all wars and the discussion of the basis on which to end the present war, have been taking place simultaneously. But the movement for immediate peace, which at first began in the shape of a demand for mediation-peace at any price was soon subordinated to the discussion of the larger question.

CHAPTER XXIX

SOCIALIST EFFORTS TO END THE PRESENT WAR

THE first Socialist peace proposals came from the American Party, and from the Swiss Party, demanding mediation by the United States and by the Swiss Governments respectively; there was no discussion at the time as to just which peace terms the Socialists considered practicable or desirable.

About a month after the beginning of the war, the American Socialist Party issued a call for mediation by the Government of the United States, and it took the form of the following telegram, which was sent to one or more leading Socialists in Great Britain, France, Germany, Austria, Belgium, Italy, Holland, Switzerland, Denmark, and Sweden: "In present crisis before any nation is completely crushed, Socialist representatives should exert every influence on their respective governments to have warring countries accept mediation by the United States. This can still be done without loss of prestige. Conference would be held at The Hague or Washington. Have cabled Socialist parties of ten nations urging this action. Wire reply."

We next give an account of the preliminary demand for an International Socialist Peace Conference on the part of the American, Italian, and Swiss Parties. The mere call for this conference indicates a feeling among Socialists that before they can demand peace effectively they must agree on what terms of peace they would consent to.

It will be seen from this language of the American Party that it still demanded immediate peace without reference to the terms of peace and excused the action of all the Socialist Parties that supported the war.

THE CALL OF THE AMERICAN PARTY FOR A SOCIALIST PEACE

CONFERENCE

We do not presume to pass judgment upon the conduct of our brother parties in Europe. We realize that they are the victims of the present vicious industrial, political, and military systems, and that they did the best they could under the circumstances.

Our country, however, has remained neutral in the present conflict. We therefore consider it our duty to address an appeal in favor of peace to our unfortunate comrades in the nations at war, as well as to our comrades in the nations not at war.

We are not now concerned as to which government was the aggressor in this terrible conflict, nor is that the question of greatest importance. History will sit in judgment on this also. We appeal to you in the name of Socialism, and acting in agreement with your own proclamations, we ask you to help us to stop this mass murder. You, yourselves, in every country have declared that this war was not of your choice. Your noble and eloquent declarations still hold good. We know that no nation can gain by the continuation of this war. Whatever rewards and advantages will come from it will go to the ruling classes: and all the sacrifices, sufferings, and sorrows it will entail will fall to the lot of the workers. And every day that the slaughter continues thousands of our comrades and brothers are killed.

At the International Congress at Stuttgart a resolution was adopted by which the international Socialist movement pledged itself not only to make every effort to avert the outbreak of war, but also, should war break out, to strive with all our might to bring the war to a speedy termination.

The Socialists of the war-stricken European countries have worked faithfully and heroically in the spirit of the first part of this resolution. But their voices were silenced by the

cannon of the hostile armies. Capitalist militarism proved stronger than the young spirit of Socialist brotherhood.

The Socialists of the world must now proceed at once to the realization of the second clause of the resolution-"to work for the speedy termination of the war."

The International Socialist Bureau does not function at the present time. Therefore the Socialist Party of America deems it its duty to invite all countries represented at the International Bureau to send their regular number of delegates to an extraordinary peace session of the International Socialist and Trades Union Congress, to be held either in Europe or in America, at a date to be fixed as soon as acceptances are received from the various Socialist organizations represented in the Bureau.

ORIGIN OF THE INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST PEACE CONFER

ENCE OF COPENHAGEN (JANUARY 16 AND 17,

1915)*

The American call had very little practical result, for the reason that its success depended upon the participation of the Socialists of the warring nations. This plan was modified by the Swiss Socialists, as related in the following account:

On October 11th a conference of Socialist delegates of the three Scandinavian countries took place. It was decided that an international conference should be immediately held to decide on the question of the moving of the International Socialist Bureau from Brussels. In the report of Vorwaerts it appears that it was decided that a general conference should be held, in which the Socialists of all countries should take part, including those of the belligerent nations. To this the Vorwaerts expressly remarks: "Naturally the parties of the belligerent nations are also to take part." But at the same time when the Scandinavian Conference was meeting, there took place in Italy a meeting of delegates of the French and Swiss Socialists, at which the question of the calling of an international conference was also discussed. The French declared that under the present conditions they could not *Editorial in the New York Volkszeitung.

think of taking part in any conference. The Swiss comrades, who are in the closest touch with the Italian Socialists, now take the position that an international conference under the ruling conditions can have prospects of success only if it is a conference exclusively of the delegates of the neutral countries, in which the Socialists of the countries at war should not take part.

The Socialists of Scandinavia and Holland seem to have agreed to this view. In the speech from Copenhagen, in which the assembly of a Conference on September 6th is mentioned, it is expressly emphasized that only the neutral countries are invited to send delegates.

In the present situation it seems to us also that the Socialists of those countries which are not taking a direct part in the bloody struggle which is now laying Europe waste may easily come to an agreement, not only upon steps for an early peace, but also upon the rebuilding of the International. The participation of representatives of the countries at war would naturally bring questions into the discussion upon which, in view of the ruling national animosities, it would be impossible to secure an agreement.

A conference of representatives of the neutral countries alone promises success. And the discussion to admit delegates of the neutral states alone to the proposed conference has our undivided support.

PROGRAMME FOR THE SOCIALIST PEACE CONFERENCE AT

COPENHAGEN

The Swiss Socialists, however, did not finally participate in the Conference. The Dutch and Scandinavians undertook further to limit its scope, by excluding not only the Socialists of the warring nations but also all discussion of their "standpoint" toward the war and the causes of the war, and by restricting it to three propositions specified in the invitation to the Conference:

It goes without saying that the Conference will neither occupy itself with the conditions which have caused the war, nor with the standpoint of the Socialist Parties in the various

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