navigation. It was thought that for so substantial a consideration, Spain might be induced to afford decisive succour. It was opposed by the northern and eastern states. They were sensible that it might be dangerous to surrender this important right, particularly to the inhabitants of the western country. But so it was, that the southern states were for it, and the eastern states opposed it. Since obtaining that happy peace, which secures to us all our claims, this subject has been taken again into consideration, and deliberated upon in the federal government. A temporary relinquishment has been agitated. Several members from the different states, but particularly from the northern, were for a temporary surrender, because it would terminate disputes, and at the end of the short period for which it was to be given, the right would revert of course to those who had given it up. And for this temporary surrender some commercial advantages were offered. For my part, I considered that this measure, though founded on considerations plausible and honourable, was yet not justifiable but on grounds of inevitable necessity. I must declare in justice to many characters who were in congress, that they declared they never would agree to the measure, unless the situation of the United States was such as could not prevent it.

On the whole, I am persuaded that the adoption of this government will be favourable to the preservation of the right to that navigation. Emigrations will be made from those parts of the United States which are settled, to those which are unsettled. If we afford protection to the western country, we shall see it rapidly peopled. Emigrations from some of the northern states have lately increased. We may conclude, that those who emigrate to that country, will leave behind them all their friends and connections as advocates for this right.

1

What was the cause of those states being the cham

pions of this right, when the southern states were disposed to surrender it? The preservation of this right will be for the general interest of the union. The western country will be settled from the north as well as from the south, and its prosperity will add to the strength and security of the nation. I am not able to recollect all those circumstances which would be necessary to give gentlemen a full view of the subject. I can only add, that I consider the establishment of the new government to be the best possible means of securing our rights as well in the western parts as elsewhere.

I will not sit down till I make one more observation on what fell from an honourable member. He said, that the true difference between the states, lies in this circumstance that some are carrying states, and others productive, and that the operation of the new government will be, that there will be a plurality of the former to combine against the interest of the latter, and that consequently it will be dangerous to put it in their power to do so. I would join with him in sentiment, if this were the case. Were this within the bounds of probability, I should be equally alarmed; but I think that those states which are contradistinguished as carrying states, from the non-importing states, will be but few. I suppose the southern states will be considered by all, as under the latter description. Some other states have been mentioned by an honourable member on the same side, which are not considered as carrying states. New Jersey and Connecticut can by no means be enumerated among the carrying states. They receive their supplies through New York. Here then is a plurality of non-importing states. I could add another, if necessary. Delaware, though situated upon the water, is upon the list of non-carrying states. I might say that a great part of New-Hampshire is so. I believe a majority of the people of that state receive

their supplies from Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut. Might I not add all those states which will be admitted hereafter into the union? These will be non-carrying states, and will support Virginia in case the carrying states should attempt to combine against the rest. This objection must therefore fall to the ground.

GOVERNOR RANDOLPH'S

SECOND SPEECH,

IN ANSWER TO MR HENRY'S SECOND SPEECH.*

MR. CHAIRMAN,

HAVING already consumed so much of your time, I did not intend to trouble you again at least so soon. But I now call on this committee, by way of right, to permit me to answer some severe charges against the friends of the new constitution. It is a right I am entitled to, and must have. I have spoken in this committee. I have shown the principles which actuated the general convention, and attempted to prove, that after the ratification of the proposed system, by so many states, the preservation of the union depended on its adoption by us. I find my. self attacked in the most illiberal manner, by the honourable gentleman, (Mr. Henry). I disdain his aspersions, and his insinuations. His asperity is warranted by no principle of parliamentary decency, nor compatible with the least shadow of friendship; and if our friendship must fall-let it fall like Lucifer, never to rise again. Let him

* See page 86.

remember that it is not to answer him, but to satisfy this respectable audience, that I now get up. He has accused me of inconsistency in this very respectable assembly. Sir, if I do not stand on the bottom of integrity, and pure love for Virginia, as much as those who can be most clamorous, I wish to resign my existence. Consistency is evinced in actions, and not in empty specious words. Ever since the first entrance into that federal business, I have been invariably governed by an invincible attachment to the happiness of the people of America. Federal measures had been before that time repudiated. The augmentation of congressional powers was dreaded. The imbecility of the confederation was proved and acknowledged. When I had the honour of being deputed to the federal convention to revise the existing system, I was impressed with the necessity of a more energetic government, and thoroughly persuaded that the salvation of the people of America depended on an intimate and firm union. The honourable gentleman there can say, that when I went thither, no man was a stronger friend to such an union than myself. I informed you why I refused to sign.

I understand not him who wishes to give a full scope to licentiousness and dissipation, who would advise me to reject the proposed plan, and plunge us into anarchy.

[Here his excellency read the conclusion of his public letter, (wherein he says, that notwithstanding his objections to the constitution, he would adopt it rather than lose the union,) and proceeded to prove the consistency of his present opinion, with his former conduct; when Mr. Henry arose, and declared that he had no personal intention of offending any one-that he did his duty-but that he did not mean to wound the feelings of any gentleman that he was sorry, if he offended the honourable gentleman without intending it-and that every

gentleman had a right to maintain his opinion.-His excellency then said, that he was relieved by what the honourable gentleman said-that were it not for the concession of the gentleman, he would have made some men's hair stand on end, by the disclosure of certain facts. Mr. Henry then requested, that if he had any thing to say against him to disclose it. His excellency then continued that as there were some gentlemen there who might not be satisfied by the recantation of the honourable gentleman, without being informed, he should give them some information on the subject. That his ambition had ever been to promote the union-that he was no more attached to it now than he always had been— and that he could in some degree prove it by the paper which he held in his hand, which was his public letter. He then read a considerable part of his letter, wherein he expressed his friendship to the union. He then informed the committee, that on the day of election of delegates for the convention, for the county of Henrico, it being incumbent upon him to give his opinion, he told the respectable freeholders of that county his sentiments:-that he wished not to become a member of that convention that he had not attempted to create a belief, that he would vote against the constitution—that he did really unfold to them his actual opinion; which was perfectly reconcileable with the suffrage he was going to give in favour of the constitution. He then read part of a letter which he had written to his constituents on the subject, which was expressive of sentiments amicable to an union with the other states. He then threw down the letter on the clerk's table, and declared that it might lie there for the inspection of the curious and malicious.]

He then proceeded thus: I am asked, why I have thought proper to patronize this government? I answer, not because I am one of those illumined, but because the feli