for introducing them into the legislative department, the most powerful, and, if ill constituted, the most dangerous, of all? No. But it is a strong reason for excluding them wherever they can be excluded; and for shortening them as much as possible wherever they necessarily take place. Corruption and putridity are more to be dreaded from the length, than from the strength, of the streams of authority.

On this great subject, I offer my sentiments, as it is my duty to do, without reserve. I think-that all the officers in the legislative department should be the immediate choice of the people-that only one removal should take place in the officers of the executive and judicial departments-and that, in this last department, a very important share of the business should be transacted by the people themselves.

These are, in a few words, the great outlines of the government, which I would choose. I fondly flatter my. self that all the parts of it might be safely, compactly, and firmly knit together; and that the qualities of goodness, wisdom, and energy might animate, sustain, and pervade the whole.

And for what should we sacrifice all the valuable connexions, principles, and advantages, which have been mentioned? For electors?-Who are those electors to be? Logicians sometimes describe the subjects of their profound lucubrations negatively as well as positively. Let us borrow a hint from them, on this occasion. Who are those electors not to be? 1. They will be such as the people will think not the fittest to represent them in the most numerous branch of the legislature; for no representatives can be electors. 2. They will be such as the people will think not the fittest to be senators; for no elector can be a senator; and therefore the people will not choose those to be electors, whom they would wish to

see in the senate. 3. They would be such as the governor has thought not the fittest for any office in the executive or judicial departments; for persons holding appointments in any of those departments cannot be electors. I was going to say, in the fourth place, that they will be such as will be thought not the fittest for any office under the executive department in future. But here, I find, I am mistaken. For they may hold offices the moment after their election of senators; and I will not assert it to be. impossible, that they will acquire their qualifications for those offices by their conduct in that election.

Thus far we have pursued their negative descriptions. The task of expatiating on their positive qualities, I beg leave, for the present, to assign to those who must be supposed to understand them much better. For they must certainly know well the purifying virtues of those political alembics, through which they wish to see our senators sublimated and refined.

Among the numerous good qualities of the electors, we hope, one will be-that they will be unsusceptible of intrigue or cabal among themselves. A second, we hope, will be that they will be inaccessible to the impressions of intrigue and cabal from others. A third, we hope, will be-that as the people, by choosing them electors, have intimated decently that they think them not the fittest persons to be senators, they will cultivate the same decent reserve with regard to their brothers, their cousins, their other relations, their friends, their dependents, and their patrons.

295

SPEECH OF MR. HARPER,

ON THE NECESSITY OF RESISTING THE AGGRESSIONS AND ENCROACHMENTS OF FRANCE,

Delivered in the House of Representatives, May 29, 1797, on the Motion to amend the Address to the President.

FEW events in the history of the United States have made a deeper impression upon the reflecting part of the American people than the refusal of the French directory in the year 1797, to receive General Charles Cotesworth Pinckney as our minister, and the consequent dismissal of that gentleman from the territory of France. The first intelligence of that singular transaction excited a general emotion of resentment all over the union, more particularly as it was aggravated by an indignity which no American, who retained in his bosom a spark of jealousy for the honour of his country, or the least regard for its rights, could have contemplated without anger and disgust. -The president of the directory addressed a speech to Mr. Munroe, our recalled ambassador, "in which terms of outrage to the GOVERNMENT, were mingled with expressions of affection for the people of the United States, and the expectation of ruling the former by their influence over the latter, was too clearly manifested not to be understood."*-On receiving the despatches of General Pinckney, president Adams issued a proclamation calling congress together; and at their meeting delivered to them a speech in which, after stating the, outrage, and animadverting with becoming spirit upon the insidious attempts that had been made to separate the people of

*Marshall's Life.

the United States from their government, he declared, that "notwithstanding the greatness of the provocation, he was desirous to preserve peace and friendship between the United States and France, and would, for that pur pose, institute a fresh attempt at negotiation. But, while he should be making endeavours to adjust all differences with the French republic by amicable negotiation, ear. nestly recommended it to congress to provide effectual measures for the defence of the country."

An address echoing and approving of the president's speech, and expressive of quick sensibility to the insult alluded to, was moved in the house of representatives, and from the unequivocal character of the circumstances, was expected to pass without opposition. There were not wanting, however, members in that body more disposed to justify than to condemn the conduct of the directory: an amendment was accordingly moved, and very strenuously supported, which not only went to exclude from the address all expression of sensibility to the outrage, but to vindicate the French government from intentional insult, and almost to propose that the execu tive should offer concessions to the aggressors.

On this occasion, Mr. Harper spoke as follows:

MR. CHAIRMAN,

Ar the time the interruption took place on Saturday by the unfortunate indisposition of the speaker, I had drawn near to the close of those observations, with which at that time I intended to trouble the committee. I shall now resume, as nearly as possible, the same train of remarks, and bring them to a conclusion as speedily as possible. As more time, however, is now afforded to me, I will take a range somewhat more extensive than I had prescribed to myself on the former day, endeavouring at the same time to avoid every thing, not strictly relative

to the question on the amendment, now under consideration.

But before I enter directly into this subject, it will be necessary for me to go a little out of my way, in order to notice and refute some positions laid down by gentlemen who support the amendment, which though wholly irrelevant to the present question, must have a tendency, should they pass uncontradicted, to render the people discontented with the government, and to deprive it of that public confidence which it so justly possesses, and on which the strength and respectability of this and every other country, but especially of this, so greatly depends.

Sir, it is much to be lamented, that topics of this kind should be introduced into the discussion of great national questions. Far from throwing light on the subject, they serve only to obscure it: far from promoting union, they tend only still more to widen existing divisions: far from disposing the mind for the reception of truth, they contribute to inflame passion and party spirit, and to blow up the covered and sleeping embers of former animosities. It were therefore to be wished, and even to be hoped, that on this occasion, gentlemen, regarding only the dan gers which at present threaten our common country, would content themselves with considering the means by which they may best be averted, instead of labouring to criminate our own government, by imputing to its misconduct the origin of these dangers. Since however these hopes have been disappointed, since gentlemen have thought proper to state a variety of facts, for the purpose of showing not only that the government has been the true author of the impending crisis, but is even now inattentive to the interests of this country, and the safety of its citizens, I shall be obliged to follow a little the same track, in order to controvert statements so unfounded, and to correct inferences so erroneous.