with their neutrality. These things are not favorable to my mission.

A speedy conclusion to the negotiation is problematical, though not highly improbable. If I should be able to conclude the business on admissible terms, I shall do it, and risk consequences, rather than by the delays of waiting for, and covering myself by opinions and instructions, hazard a change in the disposition of this court; for it seems our country, or rather some parts of it, will not forbear asperities. I hear that Virginia is taking British property by escheat; and other things which in the present moment are unreasonable are here reported.

As the proposed articles are under consideration, as they have already undergone some alterations, and as I am not without hopes of other and further amendments, I really think they ought not to be published in their present crude state; especially as in the course of a few weeks I expect to be able to communicate their ultimate form. If then they should not appear to me to be such as I ought to sign, I will transmit them and wait for further instructions.

I am, dear sir, yours sincerely.

JAY TO HAMILTON.

LONDON, Sept. 17, 1794.

DEAR SIR:

There is something very pleasant in the reflection that while war, discord, and oppression triumph in so many parts of Europe, their domination does not extend to our country. I sometimes flatter myself that Providence, in compassion to the afflicted in these countries, will continue to leave America in a proper state to be an asylum to them.

Among those who have suffered severely from these evils, is Mons. De Rochefoucauld Liancourt, formerly President of the National Assembly of France. His rank and character are

known to you.

He will be the bearer of this letter, and I am

persuaded that his expectations from it will be realized.

Yours sincerely.

HAMILTON TO RANDOLPH.

Remarks on Lord Grenville's project of a commercial treaty, made at the request of E. Randolph, Esq., Secretary of State.

1794.

A.-Inasmuch as the light-house duties which are excepted, constitute an additional charge on vessels of the United States beyond those of Great Britain in British ports, this article, which puts British vessels in our ports exactly upon the same footing with ours, wants reciprocity. But the most important consideration will be, that as the distinctions which now exist between foreign and our own vessels are really of importance to our trade, our merchants will see them relinquished with reluctance, unless there be some clear equivalent. If the stipulation extends to duties on goods brought in British bottoms, the conclusion is so much the stronger.

B. This article in its operation wants reciprocity. The British system contains now numerous prohibitions, ours none. To fix this state of things is to renounce an important right to and place ourselves on an unequal footing. It gives a claim to some equivalent.

C.-It may be supposed that the equivalent in both cases is to be found in this article. It would be so, (excepting one circumstance that will be presently mentioned,) if the duration of the privileges granted was coextensive with that of the other parts of the treaty. But the short term of the privileges here proposed to be granted renders them of inconsiderable value. The proviso, too, prohibits vessels of the United States from carrying" West India" productions from the British Islands or

the United States to any other parts of the world. hibition is to be taken in a literal sense and to

If this If this proextend to the

West India possessions of other countries than Great Britain, it would be to renounce a valuable branch of trade now enjoyed, and probably more than would be gained.

D. The article giving a duration of twelve years to the treaty as it respects the trade with Europe, and of only two years as it respects the West Indies, will be very unacceptable. It will be more so as the project does not even secure the status quo with the European dominions of Great Britain; that is, it does not secure the particular privileges and exemptions which we now enjoy by proclamation compared with other foreign nations.

Mr. Hamilton communicates these remarks in personal confidence to Mr. Randolph, with this request, that no copy of them may be taken, and that this paper may be returned, after it serves the purpose for which these remarks were requested.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.

PHILADELPHIA, Sept. 19th, 1794.

SIR:

Upon full reflection I entertain an opinion, that it is advisable for me, on public ground, considering the connection between the immediate ostensible cause of the insurrection in the western country and my department, to go out upon the expedition against the insurgents. In a government like ours, it cannot but have a good effect for the person who is understood to be the adviser or proposer of a measure, which involves danger to his fellow-citizens, to partake in that danger: while, not to do it, might have a bad effect. I, therefore, request your permission for the purpose.

My intention would be not to leave this till about the close of the month, so as to reach one of the columns at its ultimate point of rendezvous. In the mean time, I take it for granted,

General Knox will arrive, and the arrangements which will be made will leave the Treasury Department in a situation to suffer no embarrassment by my absence; which, if it be thought necessary, may terminate about or shortly after the meeting of Congress.

With perfect respect, and the truest attachment, I have, &c.

PROCLAMATION.

September 25th, 1794.

By the President of the United States of America.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas, from a hope that the combinations against the Constitution and laws of the United States, in certain of the western counties of Pennsylvania, would yield to time and reflection, I thought it sufficient, in the first instance, rather to take measures for calling forth the militia than immediately to embody them; but the moment is now come when the overtures of forgiveness, with no other condition than a submission to law, have been only partially accepted; when every form of conciliation, not inconsistent with the being of government, has been adopted without effect; when the well-disposed in those counties are unable by their influence and example to reclaim the wicked from their fury, and are compelled to associate in their own defence; when the proffered lenity has been perversely misinterpreted into an apprehension that the citizens will march with reluctance; when the opportunity of examining the serious consequences of a treasonable opposition has been employed in propagating principles of anarchy, endeavoring, through emissaries, to alienate the friends of order from its support, and inviting its enemies to perpetrate similar acts of insurrection; when it is manifest that violence would continue to be exercised upon every attempt to enforce the laws; when, therefore, government is set at defiance,

the contest being whether a small portion of the United States shall dictate to the whole Union, and, at the expense of those who desire peace, indulge a desperate ambition. Now, therefore, I, George Washington, President of the United States, in obedience to that high and irresistible duty consigned to me by the Constitution, "to take care that the laws be faithfully executed," deploring that the American name should be sullied by the outrages of citizens on their own government; commiserating such as remain obstinate from delusion; but resolved, in perfect reliance on that gracious Providence which so signally displays its goodness towards this country, to reduce the refractory to a due subordination to the law, do hereby declare and make known that, with a satisfaction which can be equalled only by the merits of the militia summoned into service from the States of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, I have received intelligence of their patriotic alacrity in obeying the call of the present, though painful, yet commanding necessity; that a force, which according to every reasonable expectation is adequate to the exigency, is already in motion to the scene of disaffection; that those who have confided, or shall confide in the protection of government, shall meet full succor under the standard and from the arms of the United States; that those who, having offended against the law, have since entitled themselves to indemnity, will be treated with the most liberal good faith, if they shall not have forfeited their claim by any subsequent conduct, and that instructions are given accordingly. And I do moreover exhort all individuals, officers, and bodies of men, to contemplate with abhorrence the measures leading directly or indirectly to those crimes which produce this resort to military coercion; to check, in their respective spheres, the efforts of misguided or designing men to substitute their misrepresentations in the place of truth, and their discontents in the place of stable government; and to call to mind, that, as the people of the United States have been permitted, under the Divine favor, in perfect freedom, after solemn deliberation, and in an enlightened age, to elect their own government, so will their gratitude for this inestimable blessing be best distinguished by firm exertions to maintain the Constitu