merit by a group of firms in an industry. For example, we have tried to persuade several department stores to act in concert in declaring a policy of fair employment. Our hope was that they might thus protect themselves against unfair competition from a major competitor who continued to curry to local prejudices, Apparently, however, independent policymaking is too treasured a tradition to make room for much hope that joint voluntary action is the answer on the local level.

CONCLUSIONS

What conclusions can be drawn from our experience in the Southeast? I think there are several important ones.

First, we are convinced that, though quite valuable, the efforts of voluntary agencies and a few scattered employers are quite inadequate to solve the problem of achieving equal employment opportunities. There are important contributions to be made by the private human relations agencies, and we shall continue to work in this field. But what is required now is appropriate legislation to outlaw racial and religious discrimination in employment. I believe it could be so designed and implemented as to set the conditions for fair competition. It has been said that you can't legislate morals. Perhaps not, but legislation can and does effectively influence the behavior patterns of American citizens. We believe it can successfully do so in the field of employment, in the South and elsewhere. State legislation has done an effective job in other regions of the country.

We conclude from our employer interviews that many employers in the region would welcome legislation which prohibits unfair employment practices based on race and religion. They need a bold public statement of policy, a standard of behavior which the Nation expects and to which they can rally.

I would grant that it will not be easy in the near future to implement fair employment legislation in the South. However, the reservoir of intelligence and of good will, in both the Caucasian and Negro communities, is still deep and should be counted on by the Nation.

A Federal law prohibiting racial discrimination in employment would be a powerful incentive to countless Negroes to begin knocking on the front doors of southern industry and commerce. They could do so in the expectation of receiving due consideration of what they have to offer in preparation and ability to prospective employers.

Mr. Chairman, there is one final point I would like to make. This period of rapid industrial growth in the South is a particularly important time to consider how to break out of the old customary patterns of discrimination and to think of creating equal employment opportunities. I believe there is an urgency in securing adequate legislation now if we are to insure a fair share of job opportunities for Negro citizens in the new South. I believe it would have enormously beneficial results for the South and especially for the improvement of relations between the races. Nothing does as much to reduce tensions as the removal of the basic injustice out of which they arise.

We are for reducing the sources of tension and we believe fair employment legislation is an essential step in the right direction.

Mr. DENT. Before adjourning, I want to announce that tomorrow morning the hearings will start at 9:30, and we have been able to get this room. So for the balance of the week, the hearings will be held in this particular room.

Mr. PUCINSKI. Mr. Chairman, before you adjourn, the chairman of our subcommittee, Mr. Roosevelt, requested earlier that this pamphlet be included in the record, and I so move.

Mr. DENT. Without objection, it is so ordered. (The pamphlet referred to follows:)

FOREWORD

The reality of unemployment for Negroes in the United States was apparent during the recent recession when twice as many Negroes as whites were without jobs. An equally important fact of our national life is the under-employment of Negroes. These twin problems have moral, social, and economic consequences. In the words of a recent Report of the U. S. Commission on Civil Rights:

Denial of employment because of the color of a person's skin, his faith, or his ancestry is a wrong of manifold dimensions. On the personal plane, it is an affront to human dignity. On the legal plane, in many cases, it is a violation of the Constitution, of legislation, or of national policy. On the economic and social plane, discrimination may result in a waste of human resources and an unnecessary burden to the community.

Employment discrimination against Negroes is serious throughout the nation. In the South it can be particularly harsh. This publication is a report on how this discrimination affects Negroes, and the city of which they are a part. Houston, the largest city in the South, with a fifth of its population Negro, is the first of several cities to be included in this series on The Negro and Employment Opportunities in the South. The tone of the report is well reflected in its opening statement. The waste of Negro manpower is described as "enormous" in Houston, deriving from the educational, economic, occupational, and social deprivations of Negroes. The report raises the question: How long can this city and others like it continue to pay the price for unequal opportunities?

Interviews upon which the material in this report is based were carried out during the summer of 1961. Co-sponsor of the study is the Houston Council on Human Relations; it joins with us in acknowledging the contribution not only of Dr. Art Gallaher, Jr., and the crew of devoted interviewers in Houston who assisted him, but also that of Dr. C. H. Parrish of the University of Louisville, whose counsel and guidance were invaluable throughout the course of the study.

James A. Moss

Director of Research

SOUTHERN REGIONAL COUNCIL

Consider the case of Lewis X, age 33. A native of Detroit, Michigan, with an engineering degree from a Michigan university, he is married to a Houston girl whom he met while in the Air Force during World War II. Just after his graduation from college his wife's father became ill, and it was necessary for the young couple to return to Houston. Lewis' attempts to find employment as an engineer in local firms failed. There were vacancies for engineers; he tried private employment agencies which listed openings and company personnel offices whenever these were known. Personnel offices seemed, in his words, to regard him as "a freak," and employment agencies offered little encouragement. He finally took a job as a garage clean-up man; he held similar positions for three years. The problem was finally resolved with the death of his wife's father, ending his obligations in Houston.

Another example is more typical. A college student lacking 18 hours of graduating with a degree in chemistry dropped out of school in order to earn tuition money. Hearing that a major oil company did not discriminate in its hiring practices, he applied for a temporary job as a laboratory assistant. In his first contact he was advised that there was such a vacancy. The personnel manager was not in, however, and he returned the following day for an interview. He was then informed that the job had been filled, and he was advised to "go into teaching."

Later, the student learned of a job, listed with an employment agency, for a young man with a background in chemistry. Telephoning the agency, he was told to "come right over." When he arrived half an hour later, he was ushered into a segregated waiting room, and then informed that the position had been filled. He called another agency which had four listings for laboratory assistants, made an appointment, and arrived at that agency "within ten minutes." The receptionist related an unusual occurrence: They had just filled all four jobs. As the student started to leave, however, she told him confidentially that the agency did not place Negroes. He called on several other agencies, receiving the same treatment. Some interviewers gave him the advice received earlier: "Go into teaching." This, everyone seemed to agree, was the best job opportunity in the city of Houston for a Negro with an education in chemistry.

The case of Miss Pauline Y illustrates several facets of racial discrimination. Pauline, now 29, was born and reared in Houston, and educated in its public schools. She was graduated from West Virginia State College in 1955 with a degree in business administration. For two years after her graduation she operated her own credit and collection agency. Deciding that she would rather do something more creative, in 1958 she entered the New York School of Interior Design, graduating two years later with a "B" average. She returned to Houston, qualified to do commercial and residential interiors, decoration "renderings” from floor plans, and various kinds of display layout work. She prefers a job as window designer in a large department store, but as a second choice would like to design office and commercial interiors. As far as she knows, she is the only Negro in the state of Texas who is a professionally trained interior decorator. She is a member of the National Society of Interior Designers and on the mailing list of the society's Texas division.

In the summer of 1960 she began to look for a position in Houston. She wrote letters to principal firms, asking for an interview and providing a profile of her education, interests, and personal background, and a list of professional references. Contacts were made with large department and furniture stores and interior design firms. She received only one reply and that from one of the city's leading furniture stores. The store had no immediate opening, she was told, but her letter would be put on file.

She then decided on a more direct approach and called on several firms to arrange interviews with their personnel directors. She obtained an interview with only one firm, the furniture store previously mentioned, but she was told that "we'll call you if we need you"; she did not hear from them. She again sought an interview with one of Houston's largest department stores. The receptionist, after trying to discourage her, finally arranged an appointment with the personnel manager. When she arrived for the appointment, he was in a meeting; this happened three times. Other firms with advertisements in local papers for interior decorators handled her case in the same way. A representative of the American Friends Service Committee appealed to a number of department stores to consider her application, since they apparently had openings. It was pointed out that she could work as a window dresser, which would involve mainly after hours work, and would therefore have no contact with white customers, but the plea was to no avail. None of the firms approached