erty, and shall not be a party to any hostile act with similar intent. In witness whereof, we have hereunto set our hands and seals this 22d day of March, 1899. The Interocean Publishing Company, By W. F. FURBECK, President. Chicago Typographical Union No. 16, A. C. RICE. Chicago Stereotypers' Union No. 4, By R. B. PRENDERGAST. JOHN S. HEALY. Chicago Mailers' Union No. 2, By J. J. KINSLEY. WM. MCINERNEY. Chicago Photo-engravers' Union No. 5, By J. S. FALKINBURG. Chicago Newspaper Web Pressmen's Union No. 81, E. W. CARR. Chicago Assistants and Web Press Helpers' Union No. 4. By P. C. MCKAY. WILLIAM E. HILL. This contract is entered into by and with the consent of the International Typographical Union, an organization to which the party of the first part concedes jurisdiction and control over trade organizations in all mechanical departments of the party of the first part, with the exception of the press room; and this contract is entered into by and with the consent of the International Printing Pressmen and Assistants' Union of North America, to which organization the party of the first part concedes jurisdiction over trade organizations controlling all employees of the press room, and the Interna tional Typographical Union, through its authorized representative, and the International Printing Pressmen and Assistants' Union, through its authorized representative, do hereby severally agree to protect the party of the first part in case of violation of the agreement by any of the said parties of the second part under the respective jurisdiction of said international unions, but such unions shall not be guarantors as to each other. In witness whereof, We have hereunto set our hands and seals, this 22d day of March, 1899. SAMUEL B. DONNELLY, President International Typographical Union. President International Printing Pressmen and Assistants' Union. JOHN G. DERFLINGER. CHAPTER XI INDUSTRIAL LIBERTY THE year 1776 is an epoch-making date in the history of liberty. Every American associates 1776 with the Declaration of Independence, which, however we may look upon it and all modern criticism, just and unjust, to the contrary, notwithstanding ranks among the greatest and grandest documents of the world's history. It is there asserted, as something axiomatic, as something belonging to the realm of natural law, that liberty is an inalienable right of all men. You all recall the precise words: "We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is furthermore asserted that the very purpose of the institution of government is to secure these rights, and that every government derives its just powers from the consent of the governed. But the year 1776 witnessed the appearance of a book which so admirably presented the eighteenth century philosophy of industrial liberty, that by common consent of the intelligent it ranks among the world's greatest books. I refer to Adam Smith's "Wealth of Nations," which occupies a pivotal position in modern economic thought, earlier works preparing the way for this masterpiece, and subsequent works in economics resting upon the "Wealth of Nations" as a foundation. So profound has been its influence that the centennial of its appearance was deemed worthy of a celebration. Placing it below the Declaration of Independence in its power over human destinies, nevertheless, I dare to place it in the first rank of publications which deal with human liberty. The spirit of the age in which he wrote breathes through Adam Smith's "Wealth of Nations." This spirit is a world spirit, and the age is cosmopolitan. This spirit finds its most logical, its clearest and fullest expression in the French philosophy and the French public life of the latter part of the eighteenth century. Liberty, equality, and fraternity are made the watchwords of the republic. When we examine the treatment of liberty in the great historical works of this age, we must be impressed with the simplicity of the problem of liberty as then conceived. Liberty is thought of as a unity, and not as a complex conception, or bundle of rights. Moreover, we find that liberty is presented in its negative aspects. Restrictions and restraints are found upon liberty, and it is thought that once we clear these away, liberty will assert itself as a benign force. As in the motto of the French republic, so in the Declaration of Independence, and in Adam Smith's "Wealth of Nations," liberty is associated with equality. Natural equality is held to be a fundamental fact, and not by any means a goal to be reached slowly and painfully. Adam Smith looks upon the bricklayer and the statesman as equal in nature, holding that the vast differences between them are due to the varied effects of environment. Had the environment been changed, the statesman would have been the bricklayer and the bricklayer the statesman. This theory of equality runs, as a red thread, through the entire social philosophy of that age, and must be borne in mind by one who would understand the theoretical and practical conclusions reached by that philosophy. The problem which presented itself to our forefathers, and to French statesmen, as well as to English thinkers, was essentially negative. Restrictions must be removed. Favoritism must be abolished, and the laws making possible restrictions and favoritism must be repealed. The restrictions upon liberty which were then noticed were restrictions of a political nature. Consequently the problem of liberty was conceived to be essentially a political problem, as well as a negative one. Closely associated with this doctrine of equality was the doctrine of the beneficence of self-interest. Inasmuch as men were essentially equal, each one could best guard his own interests individually, provided only the hampering fetters of the law should make way for a reign of liberty. Time |