they are to receive no other religious instruction than that which makes them what they are. The press is to be virtually placed under a censorship, which shall suppress the holy volume, and all sound expositions of Christianity; and the Protestants-the regular clergy-are to be placed under a despotism, which will not even suffer them to perform divine service without insult.

That this is directly at variance with the British constitution and British liberty, needs no proof; and that it is a political question of the first magnitude, as well as a religious one, is alike apparent. The Roman Catholic clergy are here usurping a very large portion of the civil authority-they are here enacting what amounts to civil laws of the most pernicious description-they are here making themselves the civil tyrants of all the rest of the population; and in doing this, they are placing themselves in direct opposition to the government, the wishes of the British nation, and the interests of Ireland and the empire at large.

Now, where is their justification; The Bible was not written after the Popish Church and the Protestant ones became enemies. Our translation of it is not a mutilated, unfaithful one, designed to favour our own Church, and to injure its opponent. If it do not form the common foundation of both the Churches, and if it be not just as well calculated to make proselytes from the one as the other, whose is the fault? That must be a strange system of Christianity which proclaims the suppression of the Scriptures to be essential to its existence.

The stuff respecting the production of fanaticism by the Bible is abundantly refuted by the present state of England and Scotland. It is irresistibly ludicrous to hear a Catholic rail against fanaticism. In point of freedom from fanaticism, can the Catholics bear comparison with any one of our sects? To say that they are not more fanatical than the Methodists, Baptists, or Unitarians, would be a gross libel on the latter. The fanaticism which could reverence the Romish priest as he murdered the child, covers the vast mass of the Irish people; but the fanaticism of our Southcotonians, &c. extends only to a few of the most ignorant and brainless; and the great body of the nation holds it in abhorrence. It must likewise ever be remembered

that Protestant fanaticism almost invariably produces purity of life; while Catholic fanaticism rather encourages than represses immorality and guilt. Our incendiaries and assassins do not profess to belong to any religion; but the Catholic ones even put forth the benefit of their Church as one of the motives of their crimes. The atrocities which have disgraced Ireland, although actually committed by a comparatively small number of hands, were planned, and therefore in effect perpetrated, by combinations, which comprehended thousands upon thousands of bigotted Catholics.

It is always bad policy in a Catholic to direct our attention to history. Mr Esmonde reminds our Church of the Puritans, to put it on its guard against the Dissenters. Unfortunately for the sagacious Jesuit, our Church remembers, that a considerable time after the triumphs of the Puritans, it was placed in the most imminent danger by the Catholics. It remembers that, not one hundred and forty years since, some of its possessions were seized, its rights were trampled upon, and its total ruin, by the instrumentality of civil despotism, was attempted by the Catholics. And it knows, that while it is now on tolerable terms with the Dissenters, the Catholics are clamouring for a part of its possessions, and are as hostile to it as ever.

The fact is, as we have already stated, that our religious divisions flow from religious liberty, and not from the circulation of the Bible. History abundantly testifies, that in times when the Scriptures were almost wholly kept from the laity, the Catholics would have been split into as many sects as the Protestants now are, had it not been for the ferocious tyranny of their Church. Very many of our sects were founded before the Bible came into the hands of the great body of the people. Our Church-that Church which is so vilely slandered by the doughty champions of religious liberty-grants far more of such liberty than any Church or Chapel in the world. The discipline of Catholicism is the very essence of tyranny; that of many of the sects is sufficiently tyrannical; but the Church of England fixes no bonds upon its followers, save those of affection. Our clergy are our teachers, but not our masters; they appeal to our reason, and lead us to heaven as rational beings, but they do not at

willing to receive it, and to open schools for such children as Catholic parents may, of their own free will, send to them. No compulsion is used-the expence falls not on the Catholics and the Scriptures only are read in the schools, without a word being spoken respecting this creed or the other. Yet O'Connell, Sheil, &c. call this insult, cruelty, and tyranny; and there are Protestant scoundrels who repeat the falsehood, and Protestant dolts who believe it.

It may be that the Roman Catholics have a right to be the favoured people of the empire, that they have a right to immunities and privileges which are denied to all our other sects and parties; that they have a right to put down Protestant meetings by brute force, at pleasure; to slander our Church, clergy, and religion, without contradic tion, and to deprive six millions of the people of the Scriptures, and the right of opinion-it may be that they have such a right, but we deny it altogether. Nothing could be more dangerous than for any of our sects or parties, than even for our own Church, to have such a right. Each of our tolerated ones, whether religious or political, should be exposed to the open attacks of the others each should be protected in all fair endeavours to make proselytes, and each ought to be restrained from protecting itself from proselytism by anything save the laws and honourable exertions. This is not only essential for the circulation of sound opinions and the triumph of truth, but it is essential for preventing party creeds from becoming ruinous, party leaders from becoming demagogues and despots, and the people from becoming dupes, fanatics, slaves, and barbarians.

Now, what would the mass of the people of Ireland do if they enjoyed that freedom from religious tyranny which is enjoyed by the rest of the community? It is proved, on all hands, that they would gladly receive the Scriptures, and send their children to the schools, if their priests would permit them. Testimony has long abounded to shew, that were it not for the despotism of the Roman Catholic priesthood, the great body of the people of Ireland would, not from compulsion, not from persuasion, but spontaneously and with gladness, place

themselves under sound and efficient moral and religious instruction-not instruction with regard to this creed or that, but instruction in those grand principles of Christian life which ought to be common to both religions. Testimony has long abounded to prove, that though compulsion and persuasion are not necessary to bring the children to the schools, compulsion and terror are necessary, and are unsparingly resorted to, to keep them away. The policy, the state policy, which this calls for, cannot surely need explanation. There ought, surely, to be some limit to the authority of a religious corporation, even though this be a Roman Catholic one; the good of a people and of an empire must surely be of somewhat more importance than the personal benefit of a body of religious teachers, even though these be headed by the Pope.

In our article on the Church of England and the Dissenters, we stated that the Catholic party, if it obtained power, would regard its Church as its grand bond of union and main weapon of war, would protect the system of its clergy to the utmost, and, in consequence, would make constant war upon popular liberties. When we wrote this, no account of the late proceedings in Ireland had reached us, and we little dreamed that the Catholies would so soon furnish such appalling proofs of the truth of our words. The heads of the laity are now furiously supporting their clergy in that system which annihilates the liberty of the press, and the right of opinion to the people, and which reduces the people to the rank and treatment of brute beasts. With them the removal of the disabilities sinks into insignificance, when compared with the putting down of Bible and School Societies, and the keeping of the wretched peasantry in fetters; although they are well aware, when they commit their outrages on the Protestants, that these must convince every reflecting man in the empire, that party supremacy and dominion are their objects, and that the removal of the disabilities would be ruinous.

We were long told by the Conciliators and others, that the Catholic Association spoke only the sentiments of the demagogues who composed it, and that its opinions and schemes

were abhorred by the great body of the Catholics. But what will these people now tell us? O'Connell states that it now consists of seven hundred members-that the prelates and clergy are all with it-that the nobility and gentry, as he phrases it, have sent in their adhesion,-in a word, that it speaks the sentiments of the whole of the Irish Catholics. The English Catholics have, many of them, united themselves with it, and not one Catholic in either country has stated his dissent from its proceedings. It must, therefore, now be regarded as the grand organ of the Catholic Church, as the grand organ of the united Catholics of the three kingdoms.

If anything could combine the extremes of ignorance, stupidity, bigotry, intolerance, and bad principle, and feeling of every kind, it is this Association,-if it be possible to promulgate destructive doctrines and schemes, these are promulgated by this Association,-if anything could prove the absolute necessity of continuing the disabilities, it is this Association.* No one can witness its proceedings without being convinced, that if it were able it would instantly kindle the faggots under the Orangemen, and the Protestants at large. It will admit of no difference of opinion,-it will tolerate no party but its own,-it will recognise no laws that oppose its will; its opponents are to be gagged, to be trampled in the dust, to be annihilated, and no voice is to be heard in Ireland save its own hideous yelling. The speeches of O'Connell would disgrace a fool in point of sense, and a tyrant in point of principle; no one can read them without groaning over

that injustice which suffers hinn to be at large, while it lays poor Gourlay by the heels for alleged insanity. The harangues of this fellow and his confederates equal the worst productions that the Catholics ever put forth in any age, in dark superstition, demoniacal intolerance, and despotic barbarity.

As to the objects of this Association, it publicly proclaims that the removal of the disabilities is the least of them. The Irish Protestant Church is to be rooted up-many of its possessions are to be given to the Romish prieststhe Protestant corporations are to be destroyed-many of the Protestants are to be legally disqualified for filling any public office-the Protestants are to be restricted from offering instruction to the peasantry, and we know not how many other atrocious measures are to be carried into effect to satisfy it. The drift of every thing that it calls for evidently tends to the same end, the destruction of Protestantism in Ireland, and the banishment of the Protestants. It has solemnly identified itself with Cobbet, made his Register one of its official publications, and declared its intention of sending him to Parliament as the representative of the Catholics. Poor Brougham, after having worn his blushing honours for so short a period -after having only made one set speech in his capacity of Catholic agent, is to be deposed and degraded, that Cobbett may reign in his stead!

If all this have to be charged upon the Catholics of the three kingdoms as a body, as well as upon the Catholic Association, it is not the fault of us who write. They publicly tell us

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to do it-they publicly tell us that this Association speaks their opinions and wishes. We thank them for their candour; we love plain dealing; we will endeavour to imitate their example in speaking out honestly and openly.

The Catholics can now no longer be called a party; they have resolved themselves into a faction-a religious and political faction of the worst character. The conduct of their clergy, allowing for difference of circumstances, is even worse than that of the clergy of Spain-the principles and deeds of their lay-leaders, allowing for difference of means and power, were never surpassed in enormity by those of any despot that ever disgraced a sceptre. What would be the consequence of introducing a tremendous faction like this into our political arena? Let it be remembered, that the ferocious mobs which put down by brute force the Bible, Missionary, and School Meetings in Ireland, were headed by the leaders of the Association and the Clergy. Are these people to be numbered among our rulers, and to be united with those who have our liberties in their keeping? Are our Bible, Missionary, and School Meetings, to be suppressed?-Are our lower orders to be deprived of the Scriptures ?—Are our clergy to be subjected to insult and violence in the discharge of their duty?-Is our right of opinion to be taken away?-Are we to be prohibited from reading anything save what the Catholics may permit? And are we to be made the slaves and minions of a despotic, unprincipled Popish hierarchy? If not, keep those from Parliament and the ministry, who are openly straining every nerve to bring all this upon us.

Why are the disabilities continued? The State wishes to see the Catholics well-principled and well-affected-it wishes to see them moderate and tolerant-it wishes them to furnish evidence that they understand, and reverence the constitution; that they comprehend and are willing to practise the principles of liberty; that they are willing to mingle in our party contests, according to the rules which our other parties observe; that they are under the guidance of enlightened, honourable men, and that they will be content to be placed on an equality with our other dissenting bodies. The

State wishes all this; but it would, without it, remove the disabilities. The question between the Catholics and the State touches not religious doctrine, or conscience; it relates solely to discipline-to a matter which, whatever name it may bear, is altogether one of civil authority; and which the late Pope at one time was inclined to concede. The State does not ask the Catholics to change their creed in one iota; and it does not ask them to change their discipline any farther than may be necessary for placing them on a level with the rest of the community as subjects. If they would stand forward in the spirit of peace and good feeling, and conform their discipline to the general principles of the constitution, and the general liberties of the nation at large, the disabilities would be removed by acclamation. But this is obstinately refused-the obnoxious portion of papal tyranny must be retained-they appear as a bigotted, intolerant, disaffected faction, determi ned to bully the State out of privileges and immunities unknown to the rest of the community, or to remain as they are; therefore the disabilities are continued.

The disabilities keep a very small number of such Catholics as O'Connell out of Parliament and the ministry; but the vast mass of the Catholics are in effect at this moment as free from disabilities, as the vast mass of the Protestants of this country; in truth, they enjoy a privilege with regard to the elective franchise to which the great body of the people of England and Scotland are strangers. The being a Catholic is not the only disqualification for a seat in Parliament, or a place in the ministry. A man is required to have a certain fortune and a large share of what is called interest; and, in reality, the whole of the people of Great Britain, save a few thousands, are subject to disabilities which place them in precisely that state in which the mass of the Irish Catholics are placed. If one thing be sufficient to disable us, it matters not though it be attended by a thousand others; if two wounds will kill a man, the third is of no consequence.

It is as clear as proof could make it, that the wish to preserve their strength and weapons as a faction, and to enter the political field with exclusive privileges, is the ONLY reason why the