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thing more to ruin the nation. The to the hope that these demagogues, in whole that is valuable to us, stands case of renewed troubles, would shew upon the old distinctions between the more forbearance towards the governworthless and the deserving—between ment than formerly, an idiot would good and evil. Conduct like this can not indulge it. not fail, if persisted in, of blasting In so far as Conciliation is meant to public spirit-of leading public func- destroy party spirit, it is levelled against tionaries to scorn honour and honesty the best interests of the state. Party -of corrupting public feeling-of spirit is the soul of public spirit; it is blinding public judgment-and of the guardian of the public weal. What producing everything that the worst the friends of the nation have to do, is enemy of the state would wish to wit to keep parties properly balanced, and

to keep them under the guidance of We are well aware that all this is proper leaders. The tremendous danto be ascribed to the new systems of gers through which we so lately passConciliation and Liberality. We wish ed, were brought upon us, not by the from our souls that some member of existence of party spirit, but by the the new trimming school would write base conduct of those who led the para book to explain these systems, and ties opposed to the government. The to advocate them. The distinctions of Whig heads slandered the King—they which we have spoken are either just, attacked royalty in the abstract-they or they are unjust; no sophistry or waged war, not merely against the Micant phrases can prove that they are nisters, but against the legislature, the both-that black is both black and aristocracy, the church, the magiswhite in the same moment. If they tracy, and the whole of our political be just, maintain them—if they be and social system; and while they did unjust, abolish them. If it make no this, their coadjutors, the Radical chiefs, difference whether men be honest or deluged the country with the most knavish, honourable or dishonourable, abominable calumnies and falsehoods virtuous or vicious, loyal or seditious, to prove it. When the leaders thus tell us so in plain English ; but do not applied every incitement to rebellion say that the laws which have hitherto to their followers that could be applied, governed society ought to be observed, it was perfectly natural that these foland then stigmatize us as bigots, be- lowers should become rebellious, and cause we treat those who violate them it is certain that this was the cause of as offenders.

their being so. Government at this Looking at this merely as a matter moment, instead of Conciliating,ought of policy, we think it the worst that to exert itself to the utmost to destroy, could be followed. The demagogues as public men and party leaders, ali who acted so depraved a part during who then acted the demagogue-it our late convulsions, are now deserted ought to exert itself to the utmost to by the multitude ; they are scorned by place the Opposition exclusively under every one ; they lie at the lowest point the guidance of such men as the Marof contempt and helplessness; and it quis of Lansdown, Mr Calcraft, and is this, and this alone, which keeps Mr Baring. It may call the feeding them peaceable. The courtesy and and caressing of such people as Waithkindness which they receive from some man, Wilson, Hobhouse, &c., when of the Ministers cannot possibly have they are forsaken by all beside, Conciany other effect than to raise them liation ; but it will speedily find that again, to give them power, and to this is something of a very different make them once more mischievous. nature, or we are much mistaken. Wilson was ruined, utterly ruined, Passing to other matters, it must and the Ministers have restored him give sincere grief to every friend of the to character and to influence. What country, to find that so many barristers are our lower orders to think when have got into the House of Commons, they see Waithman, Wilson, Hob- and that they take so large a share in house, Hume, &c., complimented by the transacting of public business. Of such men as Lord Liverpool and Mr those who were only educated for the Canning ? They must believe that bar, and who forsook it for political those persons are really upright, know- life before they became immersed in ing, and worthy of being followed. As practice, we do not speak; our words VUL. XVI.


apply only to the hacks—10 such as ever. As to any use that barristers Brougham, Denman, Williains, &c. are of in the House of Commons, they We do not wish to cast groundless cen- are of comparatively none, as far as sure on any body of men ; but we will the country is concerned. We agree say, because our words are amply jus- in a remark made by the late lamented tified by history, that barristers are Marquis of Londonderry, that they disqualified, by their habits and occu are disabled by their habits for taking pations, for being members of the le correct views of great state questions. gislature. They are not, perliaps, the debates on the Manchester meetworse by nature than other men, but ing--on the charges against Lord Elthey are apprenticed to, and they don—with regard to the introduction spend their lives in, that which must of the Queen's name into the Liturgyincapacitate them for discharging the and on the case of Smith, abundantly duty of a Member of Parliament. Their prove that their party-spirit renders regular calling is to say for hire any- them worse than useless in the disthing that is put into their mouths, cussion of mere legal matters. With whether true or false, whether just regard to new laws, it is the princior unjust; and we are very certain ples of these laws which have to be that, admitting exceptions, men in ge- debated, and barristers are incapable neral cannot follow a calling like this, of debating them; and speaking merewithout having their principles cor ly of the drawing up of the laws, the rupted.

acts that issue from the House geneWe will refer in proof of this, not only rally testify, that they could not be to the history of all legislative assem more faulty than they are, if there blies thateverexisted, since lawyers be were not a lawyer in it. came a distinct portion of mankind, Passing on, the late Session increases but to the history of our own Parlia the sorrow which has been so long ment-to that of the existing House felt, that eloquence should have fallen of Commons. Brougham is a man of to so low a point in the House of Comgreat abilities and acquirements, and mons. The debates form the grand yet what is his parliamentary con source to which the nation at large reduct? What are his speeches, with re sorts for instruction in state matters, gard to truth, integrity, just views, and they will now rarely supply such and right feelings? When we hear instruction. Compared with the dehim in the House of Commons, we bates of former times, they make us hear nothing but the special pleader of ashamed of our present statesmen. If a party-nothing but the counsel, who Mr Canning had gone to India, weak for this party will say anything or do as the Opposition is in speakers, it anything, no matter what the conse would have driven the Ministers out quences may be to the country. We of the House by superiority of oratory. can scarcely forbear exclaiming—what Were Mr Canning to be abstracted a noble statesman has been here ruined from his side of the House, there is by the fraud and chicanery of the bar ! not at present a single individual in Great as his powers are, a balance be it capable of leading it; and if we extween the good and the evil that he cept Mr Peel, there is scarcely a sinhas occasioned since he became a gle young man on the Tory side, who member of the legislature, might make shews any promise of ever becoming a us shudder. Denman would be still commanding speaker. It frequently more mischievous than Brougham, enough happens, that when truth and were he not nearly destitute of talent. reason are on the side of Ministers, That the House has patience to lis- they are worsted in debate by their ten to the interminable and violent inferiority in point of eloquence. This speeches of this weak man, on all proves against them a neglect of duty, manner of subjects, amazes us, for as well as of interest, and we fear the these speeches are actually intolerable time is not far distant, when they will in a newspaper. As to Williams, we bitterly deplore their negligence. Mr need only say, that the proceedings Peel does not appear to cultivate his respecting the Lord Chancellor, and capabilities, and he rather sinks than the “ facts” that were cited to sup- rises as an orator. We lament this port the charges against him, would deeply. He may, if he pleases, in a well justify a law for excluding prac- less space of time than ten years, betising barristers from Parliament for come the most powerful man in the

empire; the nation reveres his charac- ment, the Pope himself sent liis reter and conduct, and the mighty of script to silence all who might gainsay the land are with him in principles : us. Who, after reading this letter of those who think as he thinks, are all his holiness, will dare to say that powerful in the State, and they will Popery is changed, and that it will continue to be so. But he will never admit any Protestant into heaven ? become this, if he do not make him It is a matter of rejoicing that these self a powerful orator. It has been two topics—the two grand levers of said, that “ Eloquence is the bridle disaffection and madness—are now with which a wise man rides that powerless. How the causes which renmonster of the world, the people ;” der them so act upon their friends, we and, in spite of the contempt with need not describe. which eloquence is spoken of by those Of the remission of taxes that was to whom it is denied, we believe this made we shall say nothing ; but we to be strictly true. No Minister can will say something with regard to the carry the people along with him by remission that is contemplated. If we his ability and virtues, if he cannot are plunged into war-and the politicarry the House of Commons and the cal horizon is by no means a serene people along with him by his elo one-we shall in the first two or three quence.

Let Mr Peel reflect upon years render our debt what it was this, let him calculate how much Mr when the last war closed ; and we Canning owes to his eloquence, and shall be again saddled with the whole let him labour without ceasing to of the taxes which have been remitted make himself a powerful orator. We since that period. What we shall have need not say, that we do not under to do afterwards can be foreseen by stand the term eloquence to mean every one. Now, when this is the fact, florid froth and declamation, but such when every class in the nation is in a speeches as were delivered by Pitt, state of prosperity, and when our preBurke, and Fox, and such as are deli- sent load of taxes sits lightly upon us, vered by Canning, and, when he will would it not be wise to speak more of be honest, by Brougham.

a reduction of debt, and less of a reGlancing from these matters to the peal of taxes ? We regard it to be in. business that was transacted in the disputable-we are certain that to do last Session, if we find in it something our duty, to pay only common regard to censure, we likewise find in it some to our interests, we should raise the thing to applaud and rejoice over. sinking fund to eight or ten millions be“ Reform,” and “ Catholic Emanci- fore we repealed another penny of taxes. pation,” have been laid upon the shelf The chase of spurious popularity is, by their friends, although we have however, now the rage with all sides, been so long told, that they were and we must not, therefore, expect indispensable for saving the empire that any unpopular care will be taken from ruin. The first is “ laid by," of the public interests, however loudly because, now that treason is silent, no it may be called for by wisdom. one will ask for it; and as to the se We must, of course, say something cond, its supporters have been con of the principles of free trade, as they strained to confess, that the conduct are called, when they are so loudly of the Catholics themselves rendered panegyrized by all parties. If these are it impossible to attempt to carry it. to be practised to the extent which is The Catholics have, in truth, lately threatened, they will very speedily fought gloriously for Protestantism. prove themselves to be principles of We were disbelieved and scoffed at; ruin. They stand on a false foundation, the Parliamentary emancipators pro- They assume as their corner stone, that tested that everything was false which any country will at all times provide was saill against the Catholics. While as much of any particular kind of lawe were looking around us, almost in bour as its population may call for ; vain, for support among our Protes- and this is refuted at the present motant brethren, behold! the Catholic ment by England, and more especially Association stood forward to testify to by Ireland. They assume, that what the truth of what we had uttered; is the interest of one trade is the inteand then, to our astonishment, Bishop rest of all trades, and that what is the Doyle volunteered his evidence in our interest of one country is the interest favour ; and then, to our utter amaze of all countries. Their incvitable ten

dency is to produce an equalization of deserve neither relief nor compassion, profits and wages throughout the formed the chief ground on which it world; and as they cannot raise other was craved ; and the Usury Laws were nations to our level, they must sink us working far more lightly than usual to the level of other nations. Their upon the community. Every one constant operation must be to reduce who has any practical knowledge of profits, to lower wages, to prevent the society knows, that in this country, accumulation of capital, and thus they putting the great capitalists out of will act much more against consump- sight, almost every man who begins tion, and consequently trade, in one business, begins it, in a greater or way, than they will act for them in smaller degree, with borrowed money. another. Let us have a free trade in The farmer, the mechanic, the tradescorn, which is so much clamoured for man, the manufacturer, the smaller by some people, and which ought to be merchant-nearly the whole of these granted if the “ principles of free begin the world with less or more of trade” be just ones, and our farmers, borrowed capital. Every one who has their labourers, and tradesmen, must any practical knowledge of business, immediately sink to the state of the knows that scarcely any borrower can continental ones. They must eat, drink, afford to pay above five per cent inteand clothe themselves, as the conti rest. The proprietor of land can selnental ones do. What would be the dom pay above three per cent; if the consequences to our agricultural popu- farmer borrow much, five per centruins lation, and what would be the effects him; and five per cent is, in general, on consumption ? He must be a wretch the utmost that trade, on the average, who, for'the sake of a little increase of will pay for borrowed money. Why, trade, would inflict such horrible pri- then, are the Usury Laws, which lic vations on so large a portion of his mit the rate of interest to five per cent, countrymen; and he must be a fool to be repealed ? Will the repeal raise who can expect that increase of trade rents and profits, and thus enable bor. would flow from such privations. We rowers to pay greater interest ? Serçare not who may say, that “we have jeant Onslow himself dare not say so. grown rich and great in spite of our He dare not say that borrowers, in restrictions, and not through them;" general, can even afford to pay five per we will answer, that it is refuted by cent, and still he wishes to destroy common sense, and the whole of hise their chief security against being called tory. We will say, that the gigantic upon for more. mass of capital which fills the nation As to the assertion, that lenders and was either rained upon us from the borrowers meet upon equal ground, clouds, or it was extracted in the main it is so glaringly false, that its being from those restrictions with which our made astonishes us. The lender, with laws or the war surrounded us; and government securities and banks at that we should not have been either his elbow, acts from choice, the bor. rich or great, had it not been for this rower from necessity; the former may capital. We are the friends of good lend or not at his pleasure, the latter rents, good profits, and good wages ; must have money to save him from these are the grand sources of con- heavy loss, perhaps from ruin ;-the sumption, and consequently of labour one gains reputation by calling comand trade, and to these thé “ princi- petitors around him for his money; the ples of free trade” are irreconcilably other blasts his credit if he make it hostile.

puhlicly known that he wants to borThese principles gave to the Bill for A trader is not, and never will the repeal of the Usury Laws almost be, able to borrow for a term of years all the support it received. It was on upon his personal security ; after the the very point of being carried ; and a first twelve months, he is liable to be bill more largely fraught with ruinous called upon at any time for repayment, consequences was never introduced and the moment he receives the money into Parliament. It was perfectly un- he fastens it in business, and cannot called for not a petition worth noti- perhaps repay it for several years withcing was received in its favour; not a out sustaining grievous injury: If the voice out of Parliament, bating two or laws against usury were repealed, the three faetious publications, asked for lender would take advantage of the it ;-the case of the spendthrifts, who borrower's inability to pay, and would


sponge from him one per cent, and for some years without subjecting the then another, of additional interest, un borrower to great inconvenience and til he ruined him. As to real securities, loss—and when rents and profits will it would be impossible to obtain money not rise and fall with the fluctuations on mortgage for a term of years, ex of the money-market, nothing could cept at ruinous interest, and it would be more erroneous even in mere theory, be ruinous to take it on any other con than to cause borrowers to be perpedition on mortgage than for a term of tually liable to be called upon for any years. A borrower cannot raise rents increase of interest that lenders might or profits in proportion to any rise of ask for. interest, and yet people speak of in- The great capitalists, as a matter of terest being at the rate of eight or ten interest, must support the learned Ser. per cent, as though this could be done, geant; but we trust, that all men of and as though such interest could be business below them throughout the safely paid. Were the repeal to take country will meet his bill in the next place, it would operate in the most Session with petitions against it; and partial manner possible. Men would we hope, that Government will re-conhave to pay interest, not in proportion sider the matter-will feel some comto their ability, but in proportion 'to passion for the gigantic mass of small their want of it. Rich men-men who and middling traders, and will prevent could do either with or without bor- the moneyed interest from setting its rowing-would be able to borrow at a foot upon all the other interests of the very low rate of interest ; but men of state. small capital—men who could not The fact is, the innovators, who are commence business, or who could not now so industriously at work among get forward in business, without bor, us, are either mere theorists, or they rowing-would only be able to borrow are the tools of mere theorists. Human at a rate of interest destructively high. nature—the actual condition and conThe rich would thus obtain a monopoly duct of mankind-ought to form the of the money-market, of the profits of foundation of the calculations of our trade, and of trade itself, against the political economists, and yet these ei. middling classes. Much of this would ther do not notice them, or they astake place during peace, and in war, a sume them to be wbat they are not.* state as natural to us as peace, the con- As, however, the worst species of insequences would be fearful. We are novators have been defeated and silenconfident, that if the usury laws had ced, we hope that those who are now not existed during the latter part of in the fashion will be deserted before the last war, the interest of money in they produce much calamity. The the country would have been pushed new company bubbles have been pretup to ten per cent, and we need not ty well pricked; the free trade bubsay what the effects would have been bles will, we trust, before long, be on the national debt, on taxation, and, treated in the same way; and we an. ultimately, on both borrowers and ticipate with some confidence, that iglenders. When the expense of borrow. norance, error, romance, and conceit, ing money is at all times great- will ere long be put down by experiwhen the disclosures which it calls for ence, practical knowledge of men and on the part of the borrower are of the things, wisdom and patriotism. With most delicate and dangerous nature this we abruptly conclude our obserwhen the money, on being received, is vations. sunk in trade, and cannot be taken out

Y. Y.Y.

• A striking proof of this may be found in the 78th No. of the Edinburgh Review. In an article against the combination laws and the restraints on emigration, the wri. ter throughout assumes the conduct of our manufacturing labourers to be directly the reverse of what it is. In former times, this would have cut up his reasoning by the roots ; but in these days it is regarded as matter of no import. Nothing surely can be more preposterous, than to assume that men, and bodies of men, will at all times do what they ought to do in spite of ignorance, wickedness, temptations, and privations, and yet this assumption forms the foundation of all our new systems. It will in time work its ovn destruction ; but what will it not accomplish previously ?

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