if carried into practise, would prove destructive of the great principle of human liberty, and compel the many to yield obedience to the few. The principles of government entertained by Marshall were the same as those professed by Hamilton, and not widely different from those. of the elder Adams. That both these illustrious men, as well as Marshall, were sincere lovers of their country, and sought to effect, through the means of government, the greatest practicable amount of human happi. ness and prosperity, we do not entertain, we never have entertained a doubt. Nor do we doubt that among those who uphold the divine right of kings, and wish to see a titled aristocracy and hierarchy established, there are also very many solely animated by a desire to have a government established adequate to self-preservation and the protection of the people. Yet if one holding a political creed of this kind, and who, in the exercise of high official functions, had done all in his power to change the character of the government from popular to monarchical, should be suddenly cut off by death, would it be unjustifiable in those who deprecated his opinions to allude to them and their tendency, while paying a just tribute to his intellectual and moral worth?

Should General Jackson descend into the grave tomorrow, with what propriety could they who denounce him as a tyrant and usurper.join their voices to swell the loud note of unmingled eulogium? They might with perfect propriety speak of his honesty of purpose, his bravery and firmness; but they could extend their praise to other topics only by giving the lie to their previous accusations. If they have been honest in representing him as violating the Constitution and trampling on the laws; if they really believe that he has siezed the sword and purse, and has done all in his power to change the Government into an autocracy; the paramount duties of patriot

ism, rising superior to the mere suggestions of sympathy, would seize the death of such a man as an occasion of adverting to the true character of his principles of action, and of rousing the people from the delusion into which they had fallen.

Of Judge Marshall's spotless purity of life, of his many estimable qualities of heart, and of the powers of his mind, we record our hearty tribute of admiration. But sincerely believing that the principles of democracy are iden. tical with the principles of human liberty, we cannot but experience joy that the chief place in the supreme tribunal of the Union will no longer be filled by a man whose political doctrines led him always to pronounce such decision of Constitutional questions as was calculaten to strengthen government at the expense of the people. We lament the death of a good and exemplary man, but we cannot grieve that the cause of aristocracy has lost one of its chief supports.

THE ABOLITIONISTS.

[From the Evening Post of August 8, 1835.]

In looking over the English papers received this morning, we were struck with the following remarks in the London Courier of the 7th ultimo :

"Our readers will undoubtedly recollect that within these few years societies have existed in London and lectures have been given for the purpose of attacking Christianity. A gentleman known by the name of Robert Taylor, who, we must charitably suppose, was out of his senses, took to himself the name, we believe, of the Devil's Chaplain, and in that character was accustomed to address his audience. Some of his followers or friends, or persons who embraced opinions similar to his, under

took to lecture in the provinces on the same subject, and the Clergy of the English Church were, in several places, and on several occasions, both by him and them, challenged to meet and justify or defend the doctrines they taught. Among all reasonable people there was but one opinion as to the indecency of the proceedings of Messrs. Taylor and Co., and there was, we believe, but one opinion as to the propriety of the conduct of the Clergy, who took no notice of the challengers and their assertions. The proper contempt thus exhibited by the Clergy and the good sense of society, have completely put an end to these proceedings. The public now never hear of Mr. Robert Taylor and his friends, and seem not to care what has become of them."

In the above paragraph we have the course pointed out which ought to have been pursued in this country in relation to the fanatical doctrines and proceedings of the immediate abolitionists. It is our firm persuasion, as we have often had occasion to state, that the rapid growth and greatly augmented ardour of the association known by that name are in a very large degree ascribable to the unwise and unjust measures taken to suppress it. If they had been suffered to pour out their zeal unopposed; if their wild doctrines had not been noticed, or, if noticed at all, only with calm and temperate arguments, we feel satisfied that at this day that sect of political fanatics would have embraced much fewer persons that it now numbers, and would have exhibited far less zeal than now characterises its efforts. All history, all experience sup,

ports the opinion we express.

We defy any man to point to a single instance in which fanaticism has been turned from its object by persecution, or in which its ardour has not been inflamed and its strength increased when opposed by arguments of brute force. On the contrary, history contains many

striking cases of fanatical enterprises languishing and being abandoned, when those engaged in them were suffered to take their own course, without any other hinderance than such as was necessary to prevent their overleaping the safeguards of society.

Fanaticism is a species of insanity and requires analogous treatment. In regard to both, the soothing sys. tem is proved by its results to be the most effectual. The mind slightly touched with lunacy, may soon be exasperated into frenzy by opposition, or soon restored to perfect sanity by gentle and assuasive means. So, too, the mind, excited to fanaticism on any particular subject, religious, political, or philanthropic, is but heated to more dangerous fervour by violence, when it might easily be reduced to the temperature of health by the lenitives which reason and moderation should apply.

The first great impulse which the abolition cause received in this city was, we are persuaded, the attempt to suppress it by the means of mobs; and the greatest pro. moters of the abolition doctrines have been, in our judg. ment, not Thompson nor Garrison, but the Courier and Enquirer, the Journal of Commerce and the Commercial Advertiser. We do not speak this in a spirit of crimination ; for our desire is to assuage and conciliate, not to inflame and exasperate. We express the opinion more with a view to its influence on future conduct, than to reprehend that which is past; and we do hope that, in view of the pernicious consequences which have flow. ed from violent measures hitherto, a course more consist ent with the meekness of Christianity, and with the sacred rights of free discussion, will be pursued henceforth.

While we believe most fully that the abolitionists are justly chargeable with fanaticism, we consider it worse than folly to misrepresent their character in other respects. They are not knaves nor fools, but men of wealth,

education, respectability and intelligence, misguided on a single subject, but actuated by a sincere desire to promote the welfare of their kind. This, it will hardly be denied, is a true description, of at least a large proportion of those termed abolitionists. Is it not apparent on the face of the matter, that invective, denunciations, burnings in effigy, mob violence, and the like proceedings, do not constitute the proper mode of changing the opinions or conduct of such men ? The true way is,

either to point out their error by temperate arguments, or better still leave them to discover it themselves. The fire, unsupplied with fuel, soon flickers and goes out, which stirred and fed, will rise to a fearful conflagration, and destroy whatever falls within the reach of its fury. With regard to the outrage lately committed in Charleston, we do not believe it constitutes any exception to our remarks. The effects of all such proceedings must be to increase the zeal of fanaticism, which always rises in proportion to the violence of the opposition it encounters. Some of the Charleston papers, we perceived, spoke of the attack on the Post Office as premature, and thought it ought not to have been made until the result was received of an application which had been forwarded to the General Post Office for relief. Neither the General Post Office, nor the General Government itself, possesses any power to prohihit the transportation by mail of abolition tracts. On the contrary it is the bounden duty of the Government to protect the abolitionists in their constitutional right of free discussion; and opposed, sincerely and zealously as we are, to their doctrines and practise, we should be still more opposed to any infringement of their political or civil rights. If the Government once begins to discriminate as to what is orthodox and what heterodox in opinion, what is safe and what is