ocratic party, but scout and defy and despise its camp-followers, counterfeits, hangers-on, and Swiss incendiaries. If the democratic party is assailed by exposing those who have brought it to defeat and disgrace, then, by the same rule, Jo Smith, when he was characterized as a beast and an impostor, might have exclaimed that Christianity is denounced! Or, when the blear-eyed, painted harlot is called by the name of her vocation, she may cry out that virtuous woman is assailed by obscene epithets! The democratic party has been betrayed, crippled, and crucified by corrupt and vicious leaders; but these will strut their brief hour and perish, and then the poetic conception will be realized that

“Truth, crushed to earth, will rise again."

"Who would be free, themselves must strike the blow."

In such a fearful crisis, the united and harmonious movement of a great people, embracing members of all parties, but acknowledging the supremacy of none, presents one of the grandest moral spectacles of modern times. Without preconcert, it sprung from the masses, in spite of conflicting and even hostile organizations, fully armed for the conflict with rebellion abroad and treachery at home, like Minerva, the goddess of war and wisdom, from the brain of Jupiter. That it should so suddenly have risen to complete perfection was not to have been expected; but, with no platform save the constitution, no rallying cry but the Union, no banner but the Stars and Stripes, no purpose but the overthrow of rebellion, it has already carried terror to traitors abroad, and reduced the swaggering gasconade of traitors at home to secret, tremulous whispers. Before it faction trembles and cowers while it conspires; craven politicians find it too strong for their party harness, and fall back abashed; and Billingsgate, the last desperate resort of detected villainy, pays it, and those who have been active in its advancement, the generous tribute of opening upon it and them her floodgates afresh! But the Union rivulets are gathered in a single stream, whose broad and deep and quiet yet resistless current will bear away all opposing obstacles, and sweep onward to gladden and bless the extended domains of freedom and humanity; to give strength to the weak and hope

to the despairing, and a promise of triumph to the faithful. O, how many patriotic hearts leaped far joy when they saw a united people set party in abeyance and engage in one united effort for the preservation of our cherished land! What thanksgivings ascended; what hopes beamed; what gladness prevailed amongst the masses, as this party iconoclast entered upon its benign mission !

The dagons of cliques and committees and regencies are already crumbling beneath its feet, and their reign of imposi tion is closed. The levy of political blackmail has been abolished; the fruits of lobby legislation will not defray the expense of reaping; office brokerage no longer pays, and those who have fattened upon such spoil for years can now only find employment as hired mourners to "mimic sorrow" for the downfall of secession treason in the Empire State. But upon the overthrow and destruction of these elements, a more enlarged equality of the masses will arise; the popular triumph about to be achieved will be permanent in its rectifying influences; those who are politicians by trade will not be in demand; the government will be again a government of the people, and not a government of committees, caucuses, and packed conventions. The Union movement was demanded by the exigencies of the times. It was necessary to save us from drift ing to swift and terrible destruction. It should be supported by all loyal men for itself and not for its candidates merely. It was an act of practical emancipation, not of blacks only, but of whites; not from Southern but from Northern slavery; not from shackles upon the limbs, but from fetters upon the immortal mind.

"Take heart! the promised hour draws near;

I hear the downward beat of wings,

And freedom's trumpet, sounding clear,

Joy to the people-woe and fear

To New World's tyrants, Old World's kings."

Let those who cry "peace! peace!" trace the history of this rebellion from its origin to its development. The conspiracy which produced it had evidently been nursed by some of its actors for more than a quarter of a century, but must have swelled its numbers and gained its full and formidable propor

tions within a year of its development. It sought the occasion of Mr. Lincoln's election and inauguration as the best suited to its treasonable purposes; a time and occasion upon which it evidently supposed it could better arouse Southern feeling, stimulate Southern prejudice, and awake sectional hostility. But while it had this advantage it, unfortunately for its sinceri ty or success with the loyal Southern mind, chose a time when the South and its sympathizers had a majority in both branches of Congress and in the Supreme Court of the United States, and a time, too, when the law concerning fugitives was more thoroughly executed than it had been for years, and when Congress was organizing Territorial governments without restriction, for which Southern rights advocates had so long contended; and, moreover, when a majority in Congress, for the sake of preserving peace, reconciling sectional differences, and quieting sectional irritation, stood ready to give any further reasonable guaranty calculated to secure to the Southern States all and any rights to which they were entitled, and of which they could reasonably show they had been, or reasonably fear they were about to be, deprived. There had been no time within twenty years when they had so little just cause of complaint as in 1861. The majority of the Southern people are honest, sincere, and Union-loving. But it is clear that the leaders who shaped the policy of this rebellion were in pursuit of self advancement and the Union's wrongs, and not of Southern rights. The robberies they had practised in the government, long before the election of Mr. Lincoln was decided, show what was in contemplation; the disposition made of the army and navy, and the arms and munitions, proves the same thing. The haste with which some of the States sought to rush out of the Union, and drag others after them; the haste they made to violate their country's flag; their cold-blooded assassination of soldiers on their way to the defence of the nation's capital; the rude and robber and bandit violence with which they seized ships, forts, and other public property, and the public revenues within their reach; the brazen complacency with which public officials, sworn to support the Constitution, brought perjury upon their guilty souls in endeavoring to subvert it; the infidelity of naval and military commanders, in fors wearing themselves and betraying their trusts to enemies; all go to show

that they had resolved to rule or ruin, and were not in pursuit of "liberal propositions of peace." Upon all this followed the organization of their spurious confederacy; their attack upon the Star of the West; their assault upon the starving peace garrison of Sumter; their organization of a system of piracy in stolen vessels; their outrages upon and murder of defenceless Union-loving citizens, and the destruction of their property; their burning of peaceful dwellings and towns, and driving from their homes, in destitution, innocent women and children; their weakening of railroad bridges, that passengers might be destroyed or maimed for life by hundreds at a time; their employment of savages to help on rebellion; their raising numerous and powerful armies in furtherance of their nefarious designs; and, in short, their whole action proves that, for butchery and atrocity in modern times, those who have conducted this rebellion will bear the palm.

"Matched with them,

The rudest brute that roams Siberia's wild,
Has feelings pure and polished as a gem;
The bear is civilized, the wolf is mild."

And yet we are told that a rebellion, originating without prov ocation, deliberately and murderously contrived, and steeped in a depravity as black as the smoke of the bottomless pit in its origin, now that it has added to the commission of treason every other crime in the catalogue, and only escapes the halter because it is at large, should be nursed and fostered and treated tenderly, with liberal propositions of peace! Rather say, the peace its authors deserve is universal execution, and its peace apologists universal execration. The latter are already reaping their deserts in the omnipotence of public opinion, and with the former, thank heaven, it is only a question of time. The idea that a rebellion thus designed, thus conspired, thus inaugurated, and thus conducted, while its heart is black with perjury and its hand stained with gore, could or should be gently asked in dulcet tones, what kind of a peace it would please to dictate to the government it had sought to destroy, is alone worthy of the necessitous politician-the mere party hack, who supposes he can trade with rebellion as with a clique of corrupt associates, or who has no aims or impulses above

party management, no range of vision beyond a caucus, no love of country, no pride in the glowing memories of the Revolution, no true contemplation of the present, no just hope for the future. Happily for our devoted country, the number of this class is small, and their influence less, and both rapidly diminishing.

The frothy conceit of the desperate leaders, who urged on the commencement of this rebellion for base and selfish purposes, has evidently much diminished in the experience of its progress; the unfortunate rank and file, who, in an evil moment, lent it their countenance, some from choice, some because deluded, and some from compulsion, have already learned that it is not the "entertainment to which they were invited," and wish it in perdition; the business interests which it has destroyed curse it as a destructive monster; the planting and agricultural regions it has overrun and blasted would, if they dared, invoke upon its authors the thunderbolts of heaven; and mourning and lamentations along the border States, from those bereaved of friends and relatives and protectors, those driven from the firesides of happy homes, penniless and cold and hungry, and those who deplore the social destruction and demoralization, ring out, as of old in Rama, in one long, piercing cry; and yet the rebellion goes on-and why? In the hope of external aid, which will enable it finally to triumph. It looks forward with hope to England, that her hatred of democracy may induce her recognition of the independence of the rebellious States. But it looks for more-for aid and assistance from sympathizers in the loyal States, and especially in this. Had the voice of the people of the loyal States, and especially of this great State, been unanimous and unreserved, as it should have been, in condemnation of the rebellion, there is every reason to believe that it would ere this have laid down its arms. But it read a justification or apology for its treason in a portion of the press of the loyal States, claiming to speak the sentiments of a great and once powerful party, aid and comfort and encouragement; some outspoken and bold in justifying the rebellion, others backing and filling, skulking and covert. and insinuating, under pretence of a desire for peace, and a fear of taxation, but more mean and mischievous than open treason; and all this class uniting in denouncing and upbraiding the Ex