separate again, marking the black with white chalk and the white with red. Or write on them, as the Dutchman did on his picture of a bear, when he feared the outline of Bruin might not be recognized, "Dis ish von bear."

I will not presume to say what the true Democratic party will do when peace is restored and it is reorganized; but I may, perhaps, with propriety predict what it will not do. That it will not attempt to conquer a nefarious rebellion in arms by propositions of peace; that it will not, by every indirect means of assault upon the government and apology for the rebellion, afford aid and comfort and encouragement to an armed enemy tugging at the very heart-strings of the Republic; that it will not organize a factious political party of greedy, growling grumblers, to war upon the government, to embarrass its efforts, to predict its failure, and to exhibit to the enemy a people divided at home, and exhausting themselves in domestic strife; that it will not proclaim slavery paramount to the Union of our fathers, and declare that if one must go down it should be the Union and not slavery; that it will exhibit no limping, hesitating, half-and-half fidelity to the government; no fifth-rib loyalty, inquiring for the health, with a dagger under its garment. But, when it acts, its whole course will be direct, sincere and honorable, upward and onward, and all its energies and efforts will be directed and devoted to the preservation of the land our fathers loved, swearing upon their country's altar, "By the Eternal, this Union must and shall be preserved." A life-long Democrat, I do not hesitate to declare that the organized action of this knot of politicians, as the Democratic party in this State, has done and is now doing more to encourage the endurance and preservation of this rebellion than all the sympathies of France and England combined, and that such is the public judgment; more than all the vessels which have run the blockade together. The South know the old Democratic party of this State as a party of power and influence. They hope and believe this faction is its successor, and possesses some of its elements and influences, and await its triumph. Could the murderous tatterdemalions of rebellion attend our polls, they would give this ticket a unanimous vote. Could it succeed, Jefferson Davis would proclaim another day of thanksgiving (though it might have to be kept in fasting), and illuminate

Richmond; and well he might, for its success would be more hurtful to the cause of the Union than the loss of the Army of the Potomac and the capture and sacking of Washington. It is a ticket upon which all the opponents of war will combine at home and abroad, and to which they look for relief from their position. Could that illustrious, historic patriot of a neighboring State, who recently started to shift himself into Canada in woman's clothes, to avoid a draft, be permitted, as he should be, to stump New York for this ticket, he would doubtless raise a whoop that would silence the most distinguished brave ever acknowledged by Tammany.

I have no new light upon the subject of this rebellion, or the manner in which it should be treated. I stand to-day where I stood when Sumter fell-determined to see my country's flag vindicated; to see the supremacy of the Constitution established and upheld; to see sovereign law acknowledged; to see rebellion crushed; to act with those, and those only, who would go all lengths to break it down, and against all who would be its defenders or apologists-to act with those who, in pursuing rebellion, would stop only at the outposts of civilization and Christianity in efforts to destroy it; to employ every means, moral and material, known to man to cut it up and to cut it down and to root it out the most effectually, and at the earliest moment. I devoted seven of the best years of my life in efforts for the settlement of this accursed question peaceably-that slavery might be taken out of the political field North and South, and be let alone to work out its own peculiar problem under the mysterious dispensation of a guiding and beneficent Providence. Now that it is unnecessarily made the pretext for a wicked and causeless rebellion by the Southern people, I care not how soon I see its end. With no Abolition proclivities, in a political sense, but the reverse, I would not have gone out of my way to look up slavery in this conflict, or to avoid it; but would have treated it like any other element, taking it when it would give us strength or weaken the enemy, and have employed it accordingly. I have never seen a moment since the outbreak when I would have touched the institution for itself alone, nor when I would not have cut it from its moorings in one hour, if it would have aided in disposing of the rebellion; and I would do the same now. I hold the war power broad enough to cover

the whole question, and I confess, in a time when our government is trembling in the balance before the world, I like to see it exercised when it is well, and boldly, and thoroughly done.

Let those who take the sword perish by the sword, is my doctrine; and let those who raise a rebellious army against the Constitution take just such aid and comfort as martial law and the war power, in their utmost rigor, mete out to them, whether it be hemp, or steel, or lead, or a confiscation of property. If slaves are property, they are subject to the same rules as other property, and should be treated accordingly. One such government is worth all the slavery that has existed since Joseph was sold into Egypt. If rebellion wishes to avoid the results and to invoke the Constitution, let it acknowledge its supremacy; let it embrace the olive-branch extended by the President, lay down its arms and close its work of treason and murder. The cry that released contrabands are coming North is for political ef fect, and to secure votes from alarmed laborers. When slavery is no longer recognized in the Southern States, the colored race will not struggle for the cold North to compete with our laborers; but those now with us will seek a more congenial clime in the sunny South, where the climate is more agreeable and the labor and productions better suited to their wants and tastes and habits.

It is idle, my friends, to prosecute this war against rebellion by halves. It is worse than idle to send our sons to the field of blood and tolerate politicans at home who are denouncing the government, apologizing for rebellion, and inculcating, no matter how stealthily or covertly, cowardly and fatal propositions of peace. Rebellion knows, from spies and sympathizers quite too near us, what is going on in our midst, as well as we do. It is struggling on in the hope that this peace party may gain the ascendency, when it expects to be forgiven for its treason, have murder washed from its bloody hands, and be rewarded for its villainy by liberal propositions. This party, with its propositions of peace, having been exposed, abashed, and ingloriously overthrown last year, has covered its framework this year with a veneering of a different shade, but quite too flimsy to deceive discerning and loyal people. Like the cat in the fable, it has whitened its coat, but the teeth and claws are plainly discernible. Call back your sons, or crush this insidious

monster at home and the rebellion abroad together. Rebellion has lost faith in expected foreign recognition. Its hope now rests in the aid and sympathy it can command in the loyal States, to save it from the condign punishment and ignoble end which awaits it; and it looks more to the success of this ticket to-day than to the exploits of Stonewall Jackson. Call back your sons, I say again, or crush this political hope of rebellion at home. When this hideous monster sees us united as one man in one common purpose, it will yield; but until then, it will struggle on, like the writhings of a venomous serpent, till exterminated. It would long since have yielded, but for hope of propositions of peace and terms of accommodation from political quarters; and but for seeing the needful and proper acts of the Executive denounced as unconstitutional, and a party rising up and opposing the war, in effect if not in name-for rebel leaders understand the matter in all its bearings.

Alas! how many brave spirits have been quenched forever, because of this shameful, sinful division-by reason of this miserable political ambition to raise up a successful party at home, to gain office and spoils. Every household has been bereaved.

"There is no flock, however watched or tended,

But one dead lamb is there;

There is no fireside, howsoe'er defended,

But has one vacant chair.

"The air is full of farewells to the dying,

And mournings for the dead:

The heart of Rachel, for her children crying,
Will not be comforted."

Our fair-haired boys have perilled their lives in endeavoring to crush a rebellion which gains hope and tenacity and endurance, and perseverence, in its work of conspiracy and treason and murder, and holds on because it sees a Peace War Party rising up stealthily and in disguise among us at home. Their bones are bleaching on every battle-field in the rebel States. Those who loved them ask you where they are! You cannot raise the dead, but, in the name of Heaven, call back the living that are yet spared to us, or destroy, at one blow, one of their chief hopes of rebellion at home, a political organization to VOL. II-14

which rebellion instinctively returns for relief. But yesterday, a proud boy, in the hey-day of life and hope, fell. He was the only son of his mother, and she was a widow; he fell by the hand of a rebel murderer, nerved by the hope that political divisions in the loyal States would give rebellion aid and comfort, and propositions of peace. She asks you, with trembling lip an tearful eye, for the idol of her heart, her hope and joy. May He who tempers the wind to the shorn lamb protect her! You cannot restore her child, but you can destroy one of the accursed causes which protract this bloody and terrible war, the politician's hope. The storms of autumn beat upon the log cabin standing by the little brook beyond the hills. The winds moan, and the leaves rustle, and night is gathering. A woman weeps over a hearth, cold, cheerless, and desolate. A group of little children, with curious, anxious faces, hang upon her knee, wondering why she weeps, and ask for their father.

"Alas!

Nor wife nor children more shall he behold,

Nor friends, nor sacred home."

He fills an unknown, bloody grave, in the land of rebellion, where he marched to aid in preserving the inheritance of his revolutionary sire. But he was murdered in expectation of propositions of peace, from politicians who fear rebellion will not be constitutionally treated, or in the hope of some new reading of the Constitution, which would exempt rebellion from censure and punishment. That bereaved widow, in her destitution, looks to you. Those children " demand their sire with tears of artless innocence." You cannot restore him. God alone can comfort the widow and the fatherless. But you can remove one of the chief causes which serves to protract this hellish malignity and mischief, at the ballot-box. You can cancel the demands of hungry politicians. A settler in the far West, upon the Indian border, has volunteered to defend his country's flag. His wife and children are aroused from their slumbers at midnight by the yells of savage hell-hounds, to perish by the tomahawk and scalping-knife; the cabin is in flames, and the ferocious monsters, with hands dripping with the blood of innocence, bear away their trophies to exhibit for reward to more ferocious monsters still-savages professing