attachments of the American people, and to the firmness and devotion of their representatives. If in some of the States such representatives have been visited with obloquy and denunciation by partisan vindictiveness, and been rewarded for their exertions by desertion and sacrifice through malign influences, sinister efforts, and questionable combinations, it should be remembered that it is not the first and probably will not be the last instance where such has been the fortune of those who have labored for the public good; but it should cause no regret to such as are conscious of having discharged with fearless alacrity the responsibilities of their station, for they know that time will rectify the error and impartial history vindicate the truth.

It

In our own State the progress of events has certainly been marked with features replete with instruction. The results of the late election, which placed the democratic party in the minority, to which you refer, were the legitimate fruits of an effort to harmonize by conventional arrangement hostile and conflicting elements, and shonld have been unexpected by no one. is notorious that the arrangement, termed a union, between those who had steadfastly adhered to the principles and candidates, State and national, of the democratic party, and those who for years had separated from and assailed both, was carried out, as I had no doubt it would be, in most of the assembly districts where true democrats, supposed to coincide in my own avowed views upon the leading questions of the day, were in nomination, by deliberately defeating their election by open and declared opposition in some instances, disguised but not less active hostility in others, and by predetermination and concert in all. I regard all this as a flattering compliment to the integ rity of my public course, for having early and uniformly advocated principles now admitted to be just by almost common consent and upheld by the patriotic of all parties, and for having resisted at all times and upon all occasions a dangerous ele. ment of agitation, with which the harmony and integrity of our country have been so seriously threatened; an agitation which, without having served a single worthy, just, or humane purpose, has prostrated the democratic party in our State and in the nation, has filled our land with contention and bitterness, and shaken the very foundation of the Union itself. The his

tory of the late election furnishes an earnest of what is in reserve and may be expected from this harmonious political element by all who stand by the constitution and the Union, and refuse to subscribe to the modern dogma, and as illustrative of the beauties and benefits of attempting to mingle in harmonious concert the friends of constitutional democracy and the adherents of a spurious abolitionism.

I have never sought, or expected, or desired the support of those whose vocation is sectional agitation, and who live and move and have their being in assailing the rights and interests of any of the sovereign States of this confederacy. I have poured no libations to the Moloch of political abolitionism. I have offered no sacrifices upon its polluted altar. I neither enjoy nor covet the confidence of its votaries, either lineal or collateral, and feel more honored by their denunciations than I should by their encomiums. I have not united with them in planting, and am entitled to no share of their fruits. I am proud to enjoy, with other democrats avowing like opinions with myself, the hostility of all recusants who, finding themselves abandoned in their unprofitable experiment of secession and disunion, were anxious to avail themselves of the forms of union to seat themselves again with the democracy of the State, that they might control results for the benefit of their partisans where they could, and defeat democratic nominees where they could not.

The democratic party is essentially national in its organiza tion, in the State as in the Union. The history of its triumphs bears no record of its treaties with those hostile to its own catholic creed, under any pretence however specious, or under any name however euphonious; nor has it consented to lay aside or conceal its own cherished principles, or adopt shades of such as it was wont to repudiate, that it might swell its train of fol lowers and secure the spoils of office. In all its functions, attributes, and characteristics, it is co-extensive with the Union, and it should not be less in its action and in the views and aims of those who are admitted to its membership. It cannot be otherwise, without derogating from its true attitude, or departing from all the great principles by which, since the organization of the government, it has been guided. If it shall be made by those who temporarily govern its action in the State to minister

in any form, by any act, or by any prudential omissions to discharge its whole duty to the constitution and to the cause it has upheld for half a century, that it may pander for votes to the morbid spirit of abolitionism and retain those in its organization who are hostile to all it holds most sacred, it will be degraded from its former elevation, and can no more secure the confidence of the honest masses than it will deserve it. For one, I will neither by word nor deed, or even by silence, contribute to any such course. If the democratic party is to be abolitionized in whole or in part, either in its doctrines or its associations; if it is to be so far demoralized that it may not declare its own principles, or must adopt sectional heresies; if acts passed in a benign and patriotic spirit to quiet agitation, the offspring of demagogues and fanatics, and to protect the Union itself from threatened invasion, must be repealed; if a law enacted not only in accordance with the spirit of the constitution, but to carry out one of its plainest provisions, is to be nullified so far as State legislation can nullify it, let who will favor or acquiesce in it, I will not; and it will be regarded by all true democrats as at war with every dictate of good government, the obligations of law, and the supremacy of the constitution.

I am deeply sensible of my obligations to the true democracy of the State. I acknowledge with pride the cordial support which they, companions in many campaigns, have afforded me, and you, my kind friends, in particular. To all such, in the State and beyond it, I tender my warmest thanks, and unite with them in sincere wishes for the welfare of our common Union. A few days will close my public service. Had it been my fortune to leave the Senate before the great questions which have so long and so deeply agitated the country had been fully, and, as I think, rightly passed upon, it would have occasioned me serious regret; but since I was permitted to bear a part in their adjustment, so far as it could be accomplished by legislation, and they now stand for decision before the tribunal of public opinion, I shall return to my private pursuits with far more gratification than I left them. As the Legislature is composed, there is no prospect whatever of the election of myself or any other democrat, and having no desire under such circumstances to be a candidate, I trust my friends will do me the favor not to present my name.

With kind consideration and regard for each of you,

I am

Your sincere friend and fellow-citizen,

D. S. DICKINSON.

To the Hon. Messrs. MICHAEL DOUGHERTY, ALBERT A. THOMPSON, HENRY J. ALLEN, ELI PERRY, JAIRUS FRENCH, CHARLES ROBINSON, EGBERT T. SMITH, JACOB SICKLES, WM. F. RUSSELL, MILTON BARNES, A. L. LAWYER, HENRY KINSLEY, WILLIAM BOWNE, WORTHINGRON WRIGHT.

MR. WEBSTER TO MR. DICKINSON.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
WASHINGTON, February 7, 1851.

MY DEAR SIR-In compliance with the wish expressed in your note of this morning, I send enclosed a letter to the Consular Agent at Havana, desiring him to render to Mrs. Dickinson and your daughter, in the event of touching at that port, every possible attention of which they stand in need.

I have also addressed a note to Mr. Calderon, requesting friendly introductory letters to insure from the authorities of the Island all proper protection and respect for the ladies. These, when received, will be placed in your hands.

Very truly yours,

DANIEL WEBSTER.

MR. DICKINSON TO MRS. DICKINSON.

BINGHAMTON, April 27, 1851.

MY DEAREST LYDIA-Yours of the 15th came this morning with one from Lydia L. to Mary. It was too late, of course, to telegraph you with a view to the sailing of the steamer on the 12th. My going to Jackson in the fall is merely talked of, to help L. settle her business there, with nothing definite about it— all depending upon the future; but I cannot go now, unless there is some pressing necessity for it, though it would give me great pleasure to meet you there and accompany you home.

I have commenced building our new house on that most delightful spot over the river, and have sold a part of the place where we now are. We must have the new house finished before winter, and it cannot be done if I go away now. I have many men at work, and all depends on my attention to them. We are all as usual, and anxious to see you and dear Lydia, as soon as is consistent for you to return.

As to the time of your return, do as your own judgment dictates and I will be satisfied.

We all send love, to all the friends.

Very affectionately,

D. S. DICKINSON.

MR. CLAPP TO MR. DICKINSON.

OXFORD, June 9, 1851.

MY DEAR SIR-Accept my thanks for the volume of Patent Office statistics. I avail myself of this occasion to repeat my acknowledgments for the many favors of this kind, which during your senatorial career you have kindly bestowed on me.

You will, I hope, pardon me for saying that your manly, independent, and patriotic course in public life justly entitles you to the admiration of your friends and the lasting gratitude of your country. I believe that country will again call you to some eminent station. Meanwhile it is the wish of your numerous friends in this quarter that you will allow your name to be put forward for a judicial office-a place you are eminently qualified to fill with honor to yourself and great usefulness to the State.

Please present my respectful regards to Mrs. Dickinson and your daughter, and believe me,

Very truly, your friend and obedient servant,

JAMES CLAPP.

MR. CASS TO MR. DICKINSON.

DETROIT, July 14, 1851.

MY DEAR SIR-I am going to save you the trouble of

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