H. OF R.] The Tariff. [JUNE 11, 1832. verted them into protection. She has taken the burdens nufactures, because the fact is otherwise; its exportations without the benefits. She has not become, to any consi- have also increased. It seems to be supposed that this derable extent, a manufacturing nation; and, for all the coincidence attests that the increase of poverty and sufpurposes of considering the effects of the protective policy fering among the laboring population grows out of the upon national strength and the condition of the people, means pursued to increase the productions of that labor; she is an unprotected State, though her revenue duties be that is to say, the more a nation produces and sells abroad, ever so high. If the unrestricted policy for which gentle- the more are the people who produce it depressed and men contend would, as they say, produce equality in the impoverished. It is not necessary to controvert any of condition of society, it would be an equality of wretched- the facts which the gentleman states. If it be true that ness and poverty. pauperism increases in Great Britain, and that its manu The honorable gentleman referred, however, in ano- factured productions increase also, a very satisfactory reather part of his speech, to the example of England--the son may be given for both, without considering them in "splendid example," as he said it had been called--to any degree dependent upon each other. We all know prove the oppression entailed by the protective policy that, within a few years past, an astonishing change has upon the people of that kingdom. He told us they were taken place in the productive powers of human skill. ground down to the dust under the weight of this policy. Does not every body know that by new inventions and It is true, sir, as every body knows, that pauperism and applications of power; by the great improvements which suffering prevail very extensively in that nation. With a have been made in labor-saving machinery; by the use of limited territory, and a very dense population, without steam; by the application of chemistry and science, genethe means of employing all its laboring classes--with all rally, to the arts, a much smaller proportion of human the branches of productive industry filled up, how can hands and human muscles is required to perform the same it be otherwise? What human system can be devised to amount of manufacturing or mechanical labor than was mitigate the condition of the poor, so long as they remain formerly necessary? The manufacturing power of Engpent up within those narrow confines, without employ- land is estimated now to be equal to two hundred millions ment; so long as one-half its people can produce every of human beings; and yet it employs probably less than thing which the whole require, or which the world will two millions. What is the inevitable consequence of these purchase of them? Let England abandon the protective vast improvements? If machines are made to do the work policy, and what then? Will the condition of the laboring of men, are not men thrown out of employment? If one people be improved? How? Corn and flour may be no- person can now produce as much as two, or three, or four minally cheaper, but what will the laboring people have could formerly, must not that excess be deprived of their to give in payment for it? Will it furnish more employ- accustomed means of subsistence, unless you can extend ment? Will it raise their wages? The first effect of an the demand in the same proportion? Is it not apparent extensive importation of foreign grain into the kingdom that pauperism may increase, notwithstanding the increase would be, that a portion, perhaps a considerable portion, in manufactures? The earliest complaints among the laof the labor now engaged in agriculture must be thrown boring classes in England were directed against the introout of employment. The wages of this kind of labor duction of labor-saving machinery, and they sought redress would fall, and pauperism would increase. Tenants could by the destruction of these inanimate objects, which had not pay their rents. The manufacturers, also, of those fa- superseded the use of their hands, and took the bread brics, in which foreign competition could successfully from their mouths. We all remember the riots and dismeet them there, would be reduced to the same condi- orders in the manufacturing districts of that country, tion. As much of foreign production as entered into the growing out of this cause. consumption of England would displace so much of Eng- Mr. Chairman, the oppressions under which the people lish labor. Very lately, sir, I have seen a well-authenti- of England are suffering do not originate in the protective cated account of extensive distress occasioned among a policy. Undoubtedly the very onerous excise levied portion of the manufacturers of England, merely in con-upon articles of imperious necessity and universal consequence of a slight reduction of the duty on gloves, by sumption, produced by their own labor, and the enormous reason of which the French makers filled the English taxes required upon every art, trade, and occupation, markets, and undersold the British on their own soil. The bear very heavily upon them. But these are very differinevitable result was, that the English manufacturer was ent matters from duties upon foreign importations, deobliged to curtail his business, and some thousands of la- signed to afford employment to domestic labor. The borers were thrown out of employment, without the means burden there is taxation for the purpose of revenue, which of procuring subsistence. What is it to such people whe- falls indiscriminately upon labor and all its productions, opther corn is cheap or dear? They have not the means to pressing instead of encouraging it. Can any body doubt procure it at any price. Sir, it is employment that they that the protective policy has made England what she is-most want; constant employment, at reasonable wages, able to bear this internal excise, rich, powerful, and capswhich shall bear a just proportion to the expenses of sub- ble of sustaining single-handed, in every quarter of the sistence. How could England subsist her vast population globe, the liberty of Europe against the greatest military in any other mode than by employing them to do all her Power that has trod down the earth since the Roman own labor, and the labor of half the world beside? By legions bore their victorious eagles to its remotest bounds' persuading other nations, if she can, to hire her people It is because labor does not receive, for its own use, the to manufacture the articles they require for use or for reward which it earns, that pauperism exists there. It luxury? In this way, sir, England may maintain her popu- is not allowed to consume the fruits which it plants and lation; and if we will employ them to make our clothing, and our various fabrics, we shall contribute, in some degree, to that end so desirable to her, and which seems to be so desirable to some persons in this country. But we shall do it at the hazard of the comfort and prosperity of our own citizens, and by means which tend to reduce them from competence and industry to penury and idleness. Sir, the honorable member has adverted to the increase of pauperism in that country as a sufficient proof of the oppressive character of the protective policy, and he says this increase is not attributable to a diminution of its ma gathers. But it contributes to maintain an expensive Government; to keep up a large military and naval force; to support an enormous civil pension list; to enrich a national church; to pay a vast national debt; to sustain colonial Governments and possessions in every region of the earth which the beams of the sun can visit. Labor, reduced, by the means already mentioned, to the minimum of subsistence, is still obliged to sustain these and other enormous burdens; and can it be otherwise than that it should be oppressed, and that pauperism and suffering should prevail? Let England abandon the protective JUNE 11, 1832.] The Tariff. [H. of R. policy; let other nations do for her the labor she now per- for markets; for laborers in every branch of manufac forms for herself and for half the world besides, and who can calculate the immeasurable distress and poverty which it would inflict upon her laboring people? A tures, and the mechanic arts and trades, who ask only for employment to secure competence and comfort for themselves, and the means of educating their children; for the The honorable gentleman [Mr. BELL] also alluded cur- whole community, that its wealth and all it can produce sorily to the condition of Ireland, as illustrative of the shall not be carried off to be consumed in foreign counoppressions produced by the protective policy. Sir, I do tries, and to enrich and strengthen foreign nations. not comprehend the facts nor the arguments which have small proportion, I apprehend, of the protection given by led the honorable member to this result. He has perceiv- our laws, is conferred upon wealthy capitalists. To be ed some parallel between that country and what this would sure, here and there, large establishments have been become under the influence of the protective policy, but erected where surplus capital has been invested. But he has not favored the House with the process of thinking, for one of these, how much of silent, unnoticed, unwhich will enable them to discover the resemblance. Of obtrusive labor is going on all over this great confedewhat, sir, does Ireland complain, independent of the arbi- racy, in the thousand and ten thousand branches of trary rule which has been exerted over it? Is it not want domestic, fireside, workshop productions? How many of employment, want of the means of exerting its physi- flocks whiten the hills? How many artisans and mechanics cal powers for its own advantage and benefit? The poor are at the anvil and the bench? And even where capital peasantry of that ill-fated island rent small patches of is largely invested, it cannot work of itself. It cannot earth, whereon to gain subsistence, of proprietors gene- turn machinery, nor supply the material for fabrication, but rally resident abroad, at high rates, which are extorted by the agency of human hands. Capital is always employfrom them under the severest rigors of the law. They ed in some form or other, more or less directly, in putting have no motive to make permanent improvement of the in motion human labor, in giving employment to human soil. The rent is expended not there, but in England. industry. It can no otherwise be productive. When the The fruits of labor done in Ireland are consumed in Eng-honorable member, therefore, wages war against the use hand; a process which must exhaust any nation, and reduce of capital, he wages war against industry and labor, and it to colonial subjection. This "absenteeism," as it is the personal comfort and convenience of our citizens. there termed, the residence of the landed proprietors Sir, I wish capital was more actively employed, more abroad, has been deemed the cause of the chief depres- generally diffused. sion in Ireland. Many other causes exist, not necessary I do not perceive that it has been demonstrated here now to be traced. Sir, I will not show so little respect that excessive wealth would be more likely to accumulate for the understanding of the committee, as to attempt to in a few hands, under the protective policy, than under draw the contrast between the condition of the people of the system of free trade. Gentlemen have assumed this this country and of Ireland; a contrast which will always as a given point, or left it to be inferred from the general exist, even if our protective policy should be as rigid as scope of their arguments. The experience of this counbuman ingenuity can devise, until a total change occurs in try, I think, has been otherwise. The largest private forevery thing pertaining to that generous and wronged peo- tunes have been acquired by commercial operations ple. Let any man consider for a moment the nature of entirely. And the period of commercial prosperity which Our Government and institutions; the extent, variety, and we once enjoyed, so often alluded to in this debate, was fertility of our soil, in which the humblest laborer may certainly as favorable to the acquisition of wealth in few easily obtain a freehold; the vast improvements every hands, as any period which we ever have or ever will bewhere in progress, giving incentives to industry, and hold. But, be that as it may, how is the argument now opening markets for all the productions of human labor; addressed to us? How does it bear on the present condithe laws which regulate inheritance; the absence of en- tion of affairs? Why, sir, undeniably this Government tails; the regular and frequent division and distribution of has enacted laws repeatedly, and with a declared intenaccumulated wealth among heirs; the intelligence and tion to maintain them, for the protection of American inmoral instruction of our people; the habits of industry and dustry. It has held out inducements for the investment economy so generally prevailing; and the personal inte- of capital in manufactures; and capital has taken that direst which every one feels in the support of the republican rection, agreeably to the anticipations and wishes of Goinstitutions of the country: let any one consider these and many other blessings we enjoy, and tell me what there is to assimilate our condition to that of the people of Ireland! If the honorable gentleman can discover a parallel, I thank God I can discern none. vernment. It is there fixed. We are now asked, I had almost said in the spirit of an Agrarian law, to dissipate, annihilate, destroy this capital, brought within our grasp, in consequence of our pledges of protection, because, indeed, it is now discovered that the accumulation of priBut it is contended by the gentleman that the tendency vate wealth is dangerous to our institutions of Governof this system is an undue accumulation of wealth in a few ment, and the welfare of the people. Arbitrary and hands. This argument is not a new one. It has often impoverished monarchs, in very arbitrary times, have been urged that the object in view was to tax the many sometimes compelled wealthy subjects to administer to for the benefit of the few, and very many persons have the necessities of the State, and, at others, by various prebeen deceived by this assertion. It is an appeal to the tences of confiscation, have seized private fortunes for jealousies and vindictive passions of the heart, and never, their own uses. But, sir, I believe the occasion of this I think, sir, was there a more unfounded argument or as was always the necessities of the King. They have never sertion. Undoubtedly, if the policy be steadily pursued, gone so far as absolutely to exterminate property, under capital will be invested in manufactures, and if so invested, any pretexts. But we are invited to delude capital, within will receive renumeration for its employment. Would it our reach, by empty promises of protection, and then to not be otherwise profitably employed but for this protec- annihilate it from the face of the earth, because its existtion? Is it desirable that the capital of a country should ence is dangerous to our institutions. Sir, I feel no aphe idle? In whatever business any country is employed, prehensions on that score. When I consider the frequent capital must and will be employed, and must and will be and equal distribution of property made by law; the recompensed. Ought it not to be so? But, sir, this policy largest masses of wealth dwindling into smaller fragments is not chiefly, I may almost say in no degree, designed for for heirs and children; when I recollect the zealous comthe accommodation of capital, however it may avail itself petition which exists, and always will exist, in the emof the means of profitable employment thus occasioned. ployment of capital, and perceive that in no one pursuit It is designed mainly for agriculture, already languishing can it be employed for any considerable period, at a much H. OF R.] The Tariff. [JUNE 11, 1832. higher rate of remuneration that is afforded by the ave- which the honorable gentleman supposes the manufac rage of the profitable business of the community, I find turers to make, whether among themselves, with foreign very little occasion in my own mind to indulge any nations, or with other parts of the country, the advan jealous apprehension of a preponderating influence of tages are reciprocal: they gain nothing at the loss of others; wealth in this country. The people are too intelligent; they give as much as they receive. Sir, this is an inte too independent, both in principles and in condition, ever resting topic, and might be pursued at much length, and to become the victims of a moneyed aristocracy, should with various illustrations, but I have neither the time nor such a body ever grow up here. But, sir, another extra- the ability to do it justice. "Like Dead-sea fruits, that tempt the eye, ordinary doctrine has been put forth by the honorable! Mr. Chairman, I proceed now to the consideration of gentleman, [Mr. BELL.] He says, if the manufacturers some views presented by the honorable gentleman from derive any profits or gains under the protective system, South Carolina, [Mr. MITCHELL,] which are very much at they are acquired at the cost of somebody else. If they variance with the sentiments advanced by other gen gain, somebody must lose. Their profits are derived, he tlemen who agree with him upon the general question. contends, in one of three modes-by exchanges among He maintains that the protective system is universally opthemselves or in their own vicinities, by exchanges with pressive, bearing heavily upon the people in every section foreign nations, or by exchanges with other sections of the and quarter of the Union; that its advantages are all deluUnion. If among themselves, then they lose as much sive and imaginary; its fruits as they gain, and hence the system is of no advantage. Their exchanges with foreign nations, he contends, are very inconsiderable, and their profits are not derived from this This argument may very well be left to the answers of source, but come chiefly from dealings with other portions other honorable gentlemen [Messrs. MCDUFFIE, DRAYTON, of the country, who thus sustain a positive loss equal to the BOULDIN, and BELL] who have maintained that the Northgain of the manufacturers. This I understand to be the ern and Middle States derive great and undue advantages, doctrine maintained by the learned member. The argument and are highly prosperous under the operations of the pogoes to the prostration of all commerce, foreign as well licy, and whose only complaint is that these benefits are as domestic-free trade, as well as restricted. It is now, purchased at the expense of the South. We have been sir, I believe, an exploded theory in political economy, favored with the evidence upon which this assumption is that commerce cannot profit one nation without injury to made, and which has satisfied the gentleman that "the another. It was formerly maintained by those learned people every where are demanding redress." It consists men whose abstractions have so much puzzled the busi- of the assembling of the Free Trade Convention in Philadelness of the world, that agriculture alone was the source of phia, and of the declaration of an honorable Senator from all wealth, because its productions were mainly the gift Pennsylvania, in the other House, that he was willing to of nature herself. Manufacture, it was said, merely reduce the revenue of the country to its ordinary dischanged the forms of existing materials; nothing new was bursements. This declaration is construed to mean a created; no additional wealth acquired; because the arti- reduction of duties imposed for protection, and to speak san consumed, during the period of his labor, as much of the sentiments of the people of Pennsylvania. So far value as he added to the fabric. He destroyed, by con- as the Free Trade Convention furnishes evidence of posuming the fruits of agriculture, as much as he created; pular sentiment, it is very well off-set by the counter there was no positive gain. So of commerce, which is convention which soon afterwards assembled in New only the exchange of commodities, but adds nothing to York, and which proves that the people are anxious to quantity or intrinsic value. It only changes the places of maintain the policy, quite as conclusively as the contraexisting wealth. This, or something like it, was the old ry was proved by the former convention. As to the sen theory which has been for a considerable period aban- timent said to have been expressed in the other branch, it doned, and I did not expect in this place, and at this day, was somewhat amusing to find it relied upon here as evito hear it revived. It was exploded by the common sense dence of public opinion in Pennsylvania, when, on the of mankind, and the actual experience of the world. Sir, very day it was quoted, we received intelligence of relet us examine a little this doctrine, that exchanges cannot solutions having been adopted unanimously by its Legisla be profitable to one party, without being injurious to the ture, recommending a rigid adherence to the policy of other. The modern theory is, that they are mutually protection. If the worthy member is satisfied with the beneficial; that they add to the comfort, convenience, and kind of evidence he has produced, I can only say he is wealth of both parties. How is this? I have more of the very easily satisfied. productions of my labor than I can either use or consume. Mr. Chairman, the honorable gentleman advanced You have more of yours, and each is in want of a portion another sentiment, which he said he had no doubt would of the fruits of the other's industry. Can any thing be be received with astonishment by the House, and I can plainer than that an exchange between us would be mu- scarcely believe that he had any other purpose in view tually beneficial? Would not cach be better supplied, than to astonish the House. It was, that the policy of better accommodated, more wealthy, than he was before? protection had proved injurious to manufactures themWould not that which each received be worth more, in selves, which, he said, had prospered and increased its useful condition, than it was in the hands of its origi- much less during the period of protective laws than nal possessor, lying idle or decaying? So, if one employ during the time of free trade. The grounds for this opi an artisan to manufacture that which he wants more, which nion were certain facts stated in Hamilton's celebrated rewill be more useful, more beneficial to him, than the arti- port on manufactures, made in 1791, relative to the condi cle he gives in payment for the labor bestowed, does he not tion of manufactures at that period, and a statistical make a real gain? Does not the workman also receive account compiled under the direction of Mr. Gallatin something more valuable to him than the labor he has ex- in 1810. Manufactures had taken root in this country pended? Undoubtedly, or the parties would not enter anterior to the former period, in many branches, occa into the transaction. Both are essentially benefited. So sioned chiefly by the poverty and inability of the nation to far from being true that exchanges, if profitable to one purchase from abroad, and the difficulties of procuring side, must necessarily be injurious to the other, the fact supplies during the revolution. General Hamilton referunquestionably is, the world knows it, and practises upon red to these, to prove the capacity and ability of the coun it every day and every hour, that they are beneficial to try to furnish its own manufactures, and to exhibit the both parties. The whole business of the world is predi- resources of the nation. The whole object and scope In any form of exchange, therefore, his report was to show the importance and necessity cated on this fact. of of JUNE 11, 1832.] The Tariff. [H. OF R. adopting the protecting system; and is it possible that, with "That all the cities on our Atlantic coast, at present this purpose in view, he succeeded in proving that protec- the depots of commerce and the outlets of our agricultion could only be injurious; that it was not necessary? Sir, tural products, must decline, and ultimately languish into I have never heard such folly attributed to that distinguish- comparative insignificance. ed man. As to the manufacturing interest subsisting in "That, operating on the Southern States with all the 1810, the gentleman states it to have been of the value force of a prohibition of the culture of their staple comof $127,000,000, and at present only of the value of modity, it must involve a large and important section of $250,000,000. If the gentleman means seriously that the our country in all the wretchedness of insolvency, and all manufacturing capital in this country stood in this relative the degradation of pauperism. Holding these positions proportion at these different periods, no man can open to be self-evident, they deem it unnecessary to attempt his eyes to the present state of affairs without seeing the their illustration." fallacy of the statement. In the first place, sir, has there Yes, sir, they say these consequences "must follow"-not been a very great depreciation in the price of manu- these positions were "self-evident." "Direct taxation factured articles since that time? Will not $127,000,000 must ensue." purchase vastly more in quantity than it would then? It I read from another memorial from Charleston, South is not enough to compare any given sum with the same Carolina, presented February 9, 1824. "They (the menominal amount at different periods, to test the value of morialists) still think it probable that the failure of the commodities, but you must first reduce your dollar itself national revenue from the customs, in consequence of the to the same standard of value. But, sir, aside from this, proposed tariff, will make a resort to direct taxation inhow and by whom is the estimate of the present amount evitable." The same argument may be found strongly of manufacturing interest made? Was it formed upon urged in the debates upon those measures. An honorathe same scale, comprehending the same pursuits, and ble member from Virginia, now over the way, [Mr. ARCHembracing the same extent, as the estimate in 1810? Every ER,] repelled the idea that the revenue would not be man's daily observation must convince him that the manu- seriously diminished, in this language: "It had been said factures of this country have more than quadrupled within that no injurious effect would be produced on the rea much shorter period than that stated by the honorable venue. If our money be taken, our understandings ought gentleman. Sir, I do not know but the increase has not to be insulted. On such an argument he declined been even greater still. comment. This, sir, speaks for itself. venue is another; and though in a scale of duties they may become incidentally connected, yet they stand upon distinct considerations entirely. It has been frequently contended in this debate that Have not these laws been resisted as unconstitutional, the payment of the public debt, soon to be accomplished, solely upon the ground that they were designed for prowill impose upon the Government the necessity of reduc- tection, and not for revenue? Was not a suit instituted in ing its revenues; which reduction must and ought to be South Carolina, with a view to bring the question before made by repealing the duties, as well upon articles the judicial tribunals for decision, and argued, as I doubt hitherto protected, as upon those not protected; and the not it was, with great learning and ability? Certainly, sir, honorable gentleman [Mr. MITCHELL] has informed us that it has never been pretended any where, nor on any occathe people will not submit to these burdens, after the ne- sion until the present, that these duties were designed for cessity for so great a revenue is removed. This argument, revenue, and only to be continued so long as revenue however brought forward, assumes that the present duties should be wanted. There is nothing, therefore, in my were imposed for revenue only; that the people have ac- judgment, calculated to induce a wise Government to withquiesced in their continuance solely for the purpose of draw the protection it has given, from the fact that it can supplying the treasury. Nothing, sir, can be more un-now dispense with a portion of its accustomed revenue. founded. Does not every body know that the tariff laws The two things are distinct. Protection is one thing--reof 1824 and 1828 were enacted solely with a view to protection? Avowedly so? Intentionally so? One of the strongest objections to the enactment of these laws was, that the revenue would be diminished in consequence Mr. Chairman, I come now to a consideration of the of their prohibitory nature. This was confidently urged, effect of this policy upon Southern interests; and I agree, and the disbelief in this effect was treated with ridicule. if the operation of it is, as has been described, to visit The most that the friends of the measures dared anticipate those regions with "withering desolation;" if it "plunwas, that the revenue would not be much diminished. der" them, with ruthless rapacity, of their fair earnings, Nobody predicted an increase. Now, sir, if, at a period only to pour them into the lap of Northern manufacturers, when we wanted an abundant revenue, this policy was the system ought forthwith to be abandoned. But, sir, as adopted, calculated, as was believed, to diminish revenue, to the fact of depression at the South, and, if it be so, as how much stronger are the reasons now to adhere to it to the cause of it, my honorable friend from Massachusetts when this chief objection is taken away-when we do not [Mr. DAVIS] has already presented various and cogent conwant the revenue? All admit that the revenue must be re-siderations, tending to show that the South is even now as duced, but there are various modes of accomplishing it prosperous as other sections of the Union; that its popubesides withdrawing the protection which was afforded, not lation and representation here have more than maintained for the purposes of revenue. To show that the previous its relative proportion, compared with New England; that laws were such as I have described, I beg leave to read to emigration goes from New England to the South, because the gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. MITCHELL] an of the more prosperous state of business there, and never extract of a memorial from his own State, presented to from thence to the North. As gentlemen, however, insist Congress in April, 1824, prior to the enactment of the that they are declining and verging to ruin, and seem intariff of that year. It comes from St. Luke's Parish, and dignant that this should be questioned, I am not disposed reads as follows: to maintain a controversy on that point. But, sir, when "They (the memorialists) will not undertake to enter did this depression commence, and to what cause is it atinto a detail of the pernicious consequences which must tributable? These are important inquiries, and I wish to follow the passage of the bill, but they feel confident in hear them answered from South Carolina. saying that it will necessarily affect our revenue to so fore read further from the memorial of the citizens of great an extent, that direct taxation must ensue; that it will Charleston, presented here in 1824, prior to the tariff so far impair our commerce, as to destroy that valuable nur-enacted in that year. sery for our seamen, and diminish the utility and reputation of our navy. I will there "The change that has taken place in the circumstances of this State since the former memorial was transmitted H. OF R.] The Tariff. [JUNE 11, 1832. to Congress, is unprecedented and inconceivable. At that sinking under its own weight;" not the weight of the time (and it is no longer ago than three years) South Ca- tariff, surely. Here are causes sufficient to account for rolina was enjoying advantages as an agricultural State, all the depression experienced in South Carolina--reasonthat have seldom, if ever, been exceeded by any other able causes. South Carolina formerly enjoyed a "ready part of the world. Her staple commodities were sent to market," and "commanded prices that showed she shared a ready market, and commanded prices that showed she a sort of monopoly of it." Competition at home and shared in a sort of monopoly of it. Thin as her popula- abroad gluts these markets, prices decline immensely. tion is, (not above twenty inhabitants to the square mile,) Instead of supplying nearly the whole of our exports of the value of land every where rose considerably. On cotton, as she formerly did, she and the Atlantic States the sea islands in particular, to eight, ten, and even twen- together supply less than one-half. The fertile lands of ty times as much as they were rated at thirty years ago, Alabama, Louisiana, and Mississippi yield two thousand while that of slaves, and other property also, greatly ad-pounds to the hand; while those of South Carolina yield, at the most, only nine hundred pounds, and, upon an ave vanced." "But things are now in a very different condition with rage, much less than that amount. Can any thing be them, and the whole subject has assumed a more serious plainer than that South Carolina would inevitably decline and gloomy aspect. The cultivator of cotton, encou-under such a state of things? This was foreseen in the meraged by the very prosperity which has been first noticed, morial from which I have read. They anticipated that has been so prodigiously extended in this and other States, cotton would be reduced by competition at home and as well as in foreign countries, that, notwithstanding the abroad-not by the contemplated tariff-"to the lowest unprecedented increase of the trade in England, every possible price," and "that it would require all their skill market in Europe is already glutted with it; and as the and industry in future to maintain their place in the marevil is every day growing with the growth of the new ket, even at the most reduced price of produce." Is it countries, into which enterprise is pushing its adventures, just or reasonable now to charge upon the tariff of prothere can be no doubt but that, in the course of a very tection the consequences so clearly apprehended from few years, this commodity will, like all others, where there other causes, and which have been no more than realized' is a free competition in trade, be reduced to the lowest It is my conscientious belief that the protective system possible price. In the mean time, the effects that have has been an essential benefit to the cotton interests of the already been produced here by this mighty revolution, South. The American manufacturers now take up about are deplorable in the extreme. Property of all kinds is one-fifth of the whole production: more than England depreciated beyond example. A feeling of gloomy de- purchased of us fifteen years ago. In consequence of the spondence is beginning to prevail every where in the lower very low prices for which cotton fabrics may now be procountry. Estates are sacrificed to pay the last instalments cured, owing, in a considerable degree, to the manufacture on the bonds given for the purchase money. Nobody of them here, the consumption of them is largely increasseems disposed to buy what every body is anxious to sell ed. By the ingenuity of our artisans, too, cotton has been at any price. In short, it is manifest that the extraordinary prosperity which South Carolina, in common with the other Southern States, enjoyed some years ago, is gone by forever; and it will require all the skill and in dustry of our agriculturists in future, to maintain their place in the market, even at the most reduced price of produce." * "Is it at this moment, when the cotton trade, upon which not the prosperity alone, but the very existence of some parts of the Southern States depends, is sinking under its own weight," &c. "When the people of the South are already appre hending the exclusion of their produce from foreign markets, by a fair competition, or by the partialities of the European colonial system, shall we provoke our preseat customers to measures of retaliation, by ceasing to be their customers?" applied to many new uses-to sails, cordage, carpets, and to many fabrics mixed with wool. It has also superseded the use of wool and flax, in some degree, in clothing, besides having taken the place of cottons from India entirely. From all these causes, growing out of the system of protection, the demand for the Southern staple has been much augmented, and has contributed to prevent a still greater depression in the price. Even if England had made all these things for us, she would have wanted no more of the raw material for that purpose, than was necessary for the fabric itself; and, as she receives only one-half of her whole consumption from this country, it is reasonable to conclude that she would have purchased but half the amount which our own manufacturers have purchased from the South. The honorable gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. MCDUFFIE] has put forth a theory, not now entirely new, It appears from this, sir, very conclusively, that the de- to prove that the duties levied upon foreign importations pression in South Carolina not only commenced, but had are paid almost exclusively by the planting States of the reached an extreme degree, prior to the protective law of South; and, hence, that the chief weight of the burden 1824, which was the first in point of time that is com- falls upon them. It is this: that as foreign productions can plained of. Abundant causes for this depression, wholly be brought here only in return for domestic productions unconnected with the tariff, are assigned. What can be exported, whatever duty is laid upon the imports is precisely more disastrous than a sudden and entirely fictitious rise equivalent to the same duty upon the exports; and as the in the value of real estate, and all other property, to ten, South produces three-fourths of the exports, she makes, fifteen, or twenty times its original value, followed speedily of course, three-fourths of the imports, and pays threeby a sudden decline? Estates sold to pay the last instal- fourths of the revenue. The gentleman contends this is ment of their purchase-every body anxious to sell--no- not a question between the American manufacturer and body disposed to buy! Is it to be wondered at, that im- the foreign, because these can never come into competimense distress was produced? This certainly was not tion in our own market, but between the American manucaused by the tariff. To what, then, is it attributable? facturer and the Southern owner of foreign importations, Let the memorial answer: "The culture of cotton so pro- which are his manufacture, both of whom do meet as comdigiously extended in this and other States, as well as in foreign countries, that every market in Europe is already glutted with it," and the evil growing. Bad enough, to "It is manifest that the extraordinary prosperity which South Carolina enjoyed some years ago is gone by forever." Not in consequence of the protective tariff, for that had not been adopted. "The cotton trade, be sure. petitors in our markets. There are but three modes of procuring foreign productions, he says, viz. by voluntary donation, by plunder, and by purchase; by the last of which only can we expect to become possessed of them; and, having purchased them, they are as much American property, the fruits of American labor, as any other article manufactured here, and as much entitled to protection. |