JUNE 12, 1832.] The Tariff. [H. OF R. tlemen perceive that increased production is the natural I beg leave, in this place, to say a word or two in recause of increased demand? That, though there may be too lation to the bill reported by the Committee of Ways and much of one article, there cannot be an over-production Means. As a member of the committee, that bill receivof every thing? Is there any doubt that every one would ed my assent. It proposed to raise the sum required for have double as much of the comforts and luxuries of life the expenditures of Government, by an equal and general if he could? Is there a laboring man in this country who ad valorem duty. Gentlemen will bear in mind that it would not wear a broadcloth coat if he could get it? Is was reported as a revenue measure. Nothing but the there an English laborer who would not have half a do- question of revenue was referred to that committee. All zen calico gowns for his wife, and a dozen cotton shirts that regarded the protection of manufactures went to anfor himself, if he could afford it? Would he not smoke other. Now, the committee may have erred in their eshis pipe, if tobacco was within his reach, every night, timate of revenue or of expenditure. They may have and eat a rice pudding, if it was in his power, every Sun-been too profuse, or too parsimonious, in their allowance day? Would he not, in like manner, consume more cof- to some or all the objects of disbursements. This is matfee and sugar, if he could, just as we would consume ter of opinion, and there is ample room for every one to more cotton, and linen, and woollen goods, and hardware indulge his own. But they have been blamed for reportand cutlery, if we could? How is it, then, that where ing an equal ad valorem duty. On this ground I am ready there is abundance of all the necessaries of life, a super- to vindicate them. Considered merely as a revenue meafuity of agricultural produce in one part of the world, and sure, I am ready to maintain a uniform ad valorem duty at excess of population and manufactures in another, the to be the fairest and most equal method in which an imone should not be allowed to exchange the products of post on imports can be collected. For example, if a his cheap labor for the products of the other's rich soil? heavy duty is imposed on manufactures of leather, while Sr, it is not over-production that afflicts the new world, raw hides are admitted free, the shoemakers and saddlers or over-population the old, so much as the folly and wick- have a monopoly of the home market. On that part of edness of rulers and statesmen, excessive taxation, and their manufacture which they consume themselves, they unwise restrictions on industry. Too much is taken from pay no duty. On that which they sell they may charge the fruits of labor, and too little liberty left to it. The a part or the whole of the duties which they pay on other remedies are free trade and cheap Governments. One consumable articles. The consumer of shoes or saddles cannot help remarking in this, as in many other instances, cannot avoid paying this enhanced price, because he must how much the order of Providence, beneficent and beau- pay more for the foreign article, loaded as it is with the tiful in itself, is thwarted by the ignorance and wayward ness of man! heavy duty. They are, indeed, enabled to charge their own price, except in so far as that price is kept down by On fresh soils one man can make food for six; there domestic competition. But, if leather and raw hides are will, therefore, be surplus food for five. At the same admitted only at an equal ad valorem duty, the shoemaker Eme, from the imperfect state of manufactures, it may pays tax on what he consumes of his own commodity, take three or four to make clothes for six. As the best and he cannot charge on what he sells, in the shape of an lands are taken up, and the worst are brought into use, it increased price, the taxes he pays on other dutiable artiwill take five men to make food for the same number. cles which he consumes: for, if he did, his domestic maBut, owing to the increased power of machinery by this nufacture would be dearer than the foreign one, and the time, one man can make clothes for six; and in this way consumer would of course prefer the cheaper foreign the improvements in machinery tend to support popula- article. The consumer, therefore, would be secured tion, by aiding it to overcome the difficulty of extracting against all unjust and unequal impositions. He would subsistence from poor soils. pay only his own share of the tax. There is another adSir, I regretted to hear the gentleman from Massachu-vantage of ad valorem duties. They adapt themselves to setts [Mr. DAVIS] say that he never read books of politi-the rise and fall of prices. When goods fall, the duty cal economy. Even that gentleman might be very much falls with the goods. When they rise, it rises. This is mproved by such studies. He, it seems, however, pre- not the case with specific duties. Nor is the distinction fers trusting to common sense. Sir, common sense is a unimportant. So great and rapid are the changes of guide which no man of common sense follows, except in price, particularly of manufactured commodities, that a the absence of scientific knowledge. Thus, to borrow specific duty, moderate when imposed, in the course of a the admirable illustration of Dr. Wheatley, a sailor will few years may become excessive or prohibitory. talk of curing a disease according to the treatment pre- This brings me to the consideration of the fall of prices, scribed by common sense; but he would laugh at any one to which I promised again to recur. The manufacturers who imagined a ship might be navigated in the same man- and their friends have literally stunned us with repeated ner. Sir, a lawyer, if he pleases, may consult common asseverations of the wonderful fall in the prices of domessense in matters of political economy; but if any one ad- tic manufactures since 1816. This fall is cited as concluvised with him who insisted that he would manage his law-sive evidence of their perfection and utility. Now, it so suit himself, and with a total disregard of technical sci- happens, sir, that there has been a much greater fall of ence and forms, assuredly he could not avoid telling him prices in England. It may not be generally known, behe would have a fool for his client. Sir, if the gentle- cause the goods, many of them being subject to prohibiman ever did, or could be persuaded to read books of po- tory duties, do not come in; but our merchants know it. litical economy, I would recommend him to read Torrens The reasons of this fall are, first, and slightest, a small deand Senior, where this matter is ably and clearly treated. crease in the quantity of precious metals. Next, and by To return to it, sir, what are the results of the extrava- far the most important, the vastly increased quantity and gance and unwise intermeddling of Government? In power of machinery. The power of the five millions of consequence of exorbitant taxation and foolish restric- working adults computed to be engaged in the manufactions, we hear the manufacturers of Europe lamenting tures of Great Britain, aided by their machinery, is estitheir ruin by the invention of machines which increase mated by the chairman of the Committee on Manufactheir productive power a hundred fold, and the agricultures, [Mr. ADAMS,] in his report, to be equal to the turists of America exclaiming against over-production, unassisted labor of two hundred millions, and by Mr. unrewarded labor, and the glut of markets. Both parties Owen to that of four hundred millions of people. Before would desire nothing better than to exchange their re- the introduction of the spinning-jenny, the consumption spective commodities; but the perverse legislation of man of cotton wool in England did not amount to one hundred interferes, and refuses them permission. thousand pounds. In 1829 it amounted to one hundred H. OF R.] The Tariff. (JUNE 12, 1832. and ninety millions. Since the power-loom came into I might ask, where did Congress acquire the power to use, the quantity of cloth manufactured there for home regulate wages of labor by their legislation; to raise consumption increased from two hundred and twenty- those wages in one quarter of the country, and to depress seven millions of yards, the average annual amount be- them in another? But I will not enter into any constitu tween the years 1816 and 1820, to four hundred millions, tional discussion; I have not time or strength. But this the annual average from 1824 to 1828. Very satisfactory I will ask, if the wages of free labor are raised by exist proof of the decline of manufacturing prices in Great Bri- ing legislation, at whose expense are they raised? Certain may be found in the documents on that subject sent tainly not at the expense of the manufacturing capitalists. to us from the treasury. But, as the statements of mer- Will any one contend for a proposition so absurd upon chants in such cases are represented as interested, and, its face, as that the wages of free labor are raised through therefore, not entitled to implicit faith, I have supplied the instrumentality of the tariff, at the expense of the If not, what follows? Either that the myself with other evidence still more conclusive. It is free laborers? known that returns are made to the custom-houses of wages of free labor are raised, and nobody pays the inGreat Britain of all the exports of the kingdom. Their crease, or that these enhanced wages are paid by the ci official and declared value are there stated. The official tizens of the Southern States. value is that fixed by law in 1695. It no longer answers, I will not insult your understanding by the question, Is therefore, as a statement of present value, but it serves as this just? I will not ask how long it can be endured. a sufficiently correct measure of quantity. The declared But I will ask if it does not force upon us this most grave value is the actual market value at the time of entry. reflection. If the gentleman from Massachusetts is correct This the merchant seldom or never has any particular in-in his argument, he has established an irreconcilable dif ducement to exaggerate or diminish. On these data Iference of interest between the manufacturing and planthave constructed the following table, showing the depre- ing States; and, instead of vainly endeavoring to concili ciation since 1816. The statements are extracted from ate what can never be reconciled, we should be better the returns to Parliament. 1816 1830 COTTON GOODS. Official value. £16,335,124 Declared value. £13,072,747 employed in making arrangements for a peaceable separation; in saying to each other, like the patriarch, "We are brethren, let there be no strife between us." There is another consideration well worthy of some thought by the manufacturing States. If, indeed, the wages of free labor are regulated by the tariff, then the effect of the tariff is to render the free la borers of the country entirely dependent upon Govern The quantity of £31,810,474 ought, at the prices of 1816, to have been worth, in 1830, £25,518,667; they were only £13,420,536; depreciation ninety per cent. What cost one dollar in 1816, cost only ten cents in 1830.ment for employment and subsistence. While it increases 1816 1829 WOOLLEN GOODS. Official value. Declared value. the affluence of the wealthy capitalist, and lessens the comforts of the poor consumer, it holds free labor (what a solecism to call it free!) in the chains of absolute de pendence. So long as the operatives can be fed at our expense, The £5,360,777 official, ought, in 1829, to have been is all well; but what if we refuse them pasture? What worth, at the prices of 1816, £7,509,878 actual value; in- they must look elsewhere? Are gentlemen aware of the stead of that, they were worth only £4,656,800, deprecia-application they may make of the lessons taught them? tion thirty-seven and a half per cent. The £1,081,281, in 1829, should have been worth "When the poor have nothing to eat," said Citizen Rousseau, "they feed upon the rich." Having taught them to live upon us, they will next insist on living upon you. "In peace 'tis fair to live upon one's friends." This is what Athens taught her citizens, when she paid them for attending the public assemblies. This the popu lace of Rome learned, when accustomed to their daily donative of bread and shows. This is the tendency of all Governments which corrupt the people with their own money, or whose demagogues buy power by sacrificing one part of the population to the cupidity of the rest. £1,115,971, at the prices of 1816. It was really worth The approved method of doing this, in modern times, only £648,033; depreciation forty-one and three-fourths per cent. The gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. DAVIS] declares that a law to diminish the protecting duties is a law to reduce the wages of free labor, and to produce poverty and misery. This proposition gives room to many serious reflections. is by laws cramping and fettering industry, under the plea of protecting it from foreign competition. Surely and silently they proceed, making the rich richer, and the peo poorer, until at last comes anarchy, with the plausible pretext of restoring natural equality, Agrarian laws, and dreams of freedom; the thousand tyrants; and the last sad shelter of a single despot. In the first place, then, I ask, when was it ever heard that Sir, the epitome of modern history is written in the a diminution of the taxes paid by a people reduced titles of modern statistics: war, taxation, debt, pensions, their wages, and brought them to poverty and misery? sinecures, restrictions, manufactures, corn laws, banks, pa It is said the free laborers pay an equal portion of these per money, overtrading, insolvency, pauperism, crine, taxes. If they do, how are they to be injured by their revolution. What, in effect, is the proposition of the genrepeal? If they desire the continuance of these taxes, tleman from Massachusetts? I say it without offence therefore, it is clearly because they are receivers and not any one. payers; it is because they operate to keep up their wages, ing paupers, who cannot support themselves by their la Is it not that the manufacturing population beat the expense of others. bor at its natural market price, the deficiency must be Again, if a law to lessen taxation is a law to reduce the wages of free labor, then the existing laws are laws to this additional supply, poverty and suffering raise the wages of free laborers. JUNE 13, 1832.] Mr. Randolph's Accounts. [H. OF R. Sir, I cannot yield my assent to either of the conclusions Clay, late secretary of legation to said mission, stating by that result from the argument of the gentleman from therein the time when the salary of each commenced, | Massachusetts, [Mr. Davis.] If I did I should despair of and when that of the said minister terminated. the Union. But it is precisely because I do not believe Mr. SLADE said that he had offered the resolution there is an irreconcilable hostility between the interests in consequence of having been unable to obtain the inof the North and South; it is because I do not believe the formation it called for, by a personal application at the manufacturing laborers are dependent upon the parish re-treasury; the answer to such an application having been lief which our legislation may afford, that I entertain that the statement could only be given on a call from one hopes of ultimately adjusting this pernicious controversy, of the Houses of Congress. 4 with the aid of time and mutual forbearance. I do not Mr. SPEIGHT rose to inquire of the gentleman from think that keeping up the money price of labor, by an ar- Vermont what object he could possibly have in view in tificial system of restrictions and prohibitions, is of any real calling for such a statement as that mentioned in the resobenefit to the laborer. You nominally raise his wages, to lution. Every body knew that Mr. Randolph had receivbe sure; but as every thing he cats, drinks, and wears, ed the salary and outfit usually paid to our ministers to rises also, he is no better off. On the other hand, if you foreign courts. The House had now (as his friend from repeal all duties not intended for revenue, the money Kentucky [Mr. JOHNSON] had observed) enjoyed peace and wages of manufacturing may, for a short time, undergo tranquillity for a fortnight past; but now a resolution was some depression; but as all the articles of consumption will introduced, the object of which seemed to be to impress fall to a like extent, the laborer will be enabled to com- the public mind with a belief that there was in Mr. Ranmand just as many necessaries and comforts as before. dolph's case something kept behind the curtain. Every There is no irreconcilable hostility, therefore, in the body knew that when that gentleman had been appointed interests of the two great divisions of this country. Pro- minister to the court of St. Petersburg, he had had perperly understood, they are alike. The most odious feature mission, if the state of his health should require it, to leave of this system is its inequality. Bad laws may indeed be that court for a milder climate. He had done so, and, in passed, by mistaking the interest of a few for that of the consequence, the whole army of opposition prints had whole. But will gentlemen take my word for the conse-teemed with such a torrent of abuse upon that minister, quences of persisting in them? Or, if not mine, Cicero's? and those who sent him, as never had its equal. And now "Qui autem parti civium consulunt partem negligunt, rem this resolution was brought forward at the time when, in perniciosissimam in civitatem inducunt, seditionem atque all probability, the individual assailed was breathing his discordiam." last; for, according to the latest accounts, it was but too Sir, I have attempted a free, but fair examination of probable that Mr. Randolph now existed no more. If the the principal grounds upon which restriction, under the gentleman would amend his resolution so as to make it name of protection, is supported. I have endeavored to general in its application, Mr. S. would have no objections show that it did not contribute to the national wealth; to it; and even as it was, he did not know that he should that it does not aid the national defence; that there has vote against it; but he should like, at least, to hear some been no pledge of the public faith to the system now reason alleged in its favor. sought to be established. Mr. CARSON said he did not wish to hear the response of the gentleman from Vermont, or to hear any thing more said upon the subject; he therefore moved to lay the resolution on the table. On this motion, Mr. SLADE demanded 'the yeas and nays; which, being taken, stood as follows: Why, then, I may be asked, would you agree to any modification of a principle so objectionable? Why not wage a war of extermination against it altogether? Because its abolition is not now practicable. The public mind is not prepared for it. Because, in the next place, I believe less mischief will be done by a moderate and YEAS.-Messrs. Adair, Alexander, Robert Allen, Algradual, than by a sudden and violent change. Many lison, Anderson, Angel, Ashley, John S. Barbour, James manufactures may be preserved. It is true they have Bates, Beardsley, Bell, John Blair, Boon, Bouck, Bouldin, been a long time learning to go forward of themselves. Branch, John Brodhead, John C. Brodhead, Cambreleng, But some of them are now undoubtedly able to stand alone; Carr, Carson, Chinn, Claiborne, Clay, Clayton, Coke, they should be made to do so. The annual increase of Conner, Craig, Crawford, Davenport, Dayan, Doubleday, capital, the gradual diminution of wages, and progressive Fitzgerald, Ford, Gaither, Gilmore, Gordon, Griffin, T. improvement of machinery, will enable others, after a few H. Hall, W. Hall, Harper, Hawes, Hawkins, Hoffman, more years, to stand the shock of foreign competition. Hogan, Horn, Howard, Ihrie, Irvin, Isacks, Jarvis, JewTo the rest, which cannot be preserved except at a great- ett, R. M. Johnson, Cave Johnson, C. C. Johnston, Kavaer cost than they are worth, time, through the instrumen-nagh, Kennon, John King, Henry King, Lamar, Lansing, tality of a stock slowly depreciating in successive hands, Leavitt, Lecompte, Lent, Lewis, Lyon, Mann, Mardis, will give all that it were wise to ask-a happy Euthanasia. Mason, William McCoy, McKay, Nuckolls, Pierson, PlumFor these reasons I would not hesitate to vote for any bill, although it imposed some duties higher than were required for mere revenue, if it would restore, to any material extent, equality of taxation, diminish the revenue, and tranquillize the country. This bill, in my opinion, is not calculated to do either, and therefore, unless it is greatly improved, I cannot support it, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 13. Mr. RANDOLPH'S ACCOUNTS. mer, Polk, E. C. Reed, Rencher, Roane, A. H. Shepperd, Smith, Soule, Speight, Standifer, Stephens, Stewart, P. Thomas, Wiley Thompson, Ward, Wardwell, Weeks, Edward D. White, Campbell P. White, Wilde, Worthington.--94. NAYS.-Messrs. Adams, Appleton, Archer, Armstrong, Arnold, Babcock, Banks, Noyes Barber, Barnwell, Barringer, Barstow, Briggs, Bucher, Bullard, Burd, Burges, Cahoon, Chandler, Choate, Collier, L. Condict, E. Cooke, Bates Cooke, Cooper, Corwin, Coulter, Crane, Creighton, Daniel, John Davis, Dearborn, Denny, Dewart, Dickson, Drayton, Ellsworth, George Evans, Joshua Evans, E. Everett, H. Everett, Felder, Foster, Grennell, Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be direct- Hodges, Hughes, Huntington, Ingersoll, Jenifer, Kendall, ed to communicate to this House a detailed statement of Adam King, Letcher, Marshall, Maxwell, Robert McCoy, the allowances which have been claimed or made on ac- McDuffie, McKennan, Mercer, Milligan, Newton, Patton, count of outfits, salaries, and contingencies, to John Ran- Pearce, Pendleton, Pitcher, Potts, Randolph, John Reed, dolph, late envoy, &c. to Russia, and to John Randolph Root, Russel, Semmes, W. B. Shepard, Slade, Southard, VOL. VIII.--220 H. OF R.] Bank of the United States.-Public Lands. Spence, Storrs, Sutherland, Taylor, F. Thomas, John BANK OF THE UNITED STATES. The bill for rechartering the Bank of the United States coming up for consideration, Mr. WAYNE withdrew his motion to postpone the consideration of the bill to the first Monday of July next; whereupon, JUNE 13, 1832. portance, and he would himself advocate the reference of it to a select committee, or to the Committee of Ways and Means, which had always been done before when a bank charter had been applied for, if the advanced stage of the session did not admonish him that the usual course, rigidly pursued at this time, might be considered as an indirect way of getting rid of the subject. It will be remarked, however, by the public, that any departure from our uniform course of legislation will be caused by a want of time, and the correct inference from that will be, that we are not in a situation to consider the subject as it de Mr. McDUFFIE moved that the consideration of the served. bill be postponed to Monday next. He was desirous Mr. R. M. JOHNSON said he was unwilling that any to keep the bill within the control of the House. Gentle- proposition should succeed which might interfere with men would have every opportunity of offering amend the discussion of the tariff question. He hoped the dis ments which they would have if the bill were in commit-cussion of this subject would not be protracted beyond tee; and the House would have it in its power to close the Saturday next; and he desired to ask of the gentleman debate within any reasonable time, so as to prevent the from South Carolina whether the postponement of the necessity of putting off the day of adjournment. He, bank bill to Monday next would interfere with the tariff therefore, thought that gentlemen on both sides, the op- discussion, should that discussion continue till then. ponents as well as the advocates of the bank, who were, as he was, favorable to an early adjournment, should of course be in favor of the motion he had made. Mr. McDUFFIE replied, that should the tariff not have been disposed of by Monday, it was his purpose to move for the postponement of the bank question from day to day, until the tariff debate should close. Nothing, not even the bank question itself, should, by his consent, postpone the settlement of that all-important subject. Mr. WAYNE objected to the motion of the gentleman, [Mr. MCDUFFIE,] because, besides being calculated to create an expectation abroad that the bank bill would certainly be acted upon on Monday next, or at some time In making the motion he had done, Mr. McD. said that in this session, he thought the interests of the bank and he had the decided approbation of most of the enemies those of the country at large required such a reference of of the bank; because, should the bill get into committee, the bill to-day, as would indicate to the public and to our- any minority, however small, might, by perpetually multiselves the direction which would be given to it for discus-plying amendments, keep off the final question, and sion. The proper reference would be to a Committee of the adjournment of the House, as long as they pleased. the Whole House on the state of the Union, as that was He desired to keep the subject in the hands of the whole the course given to all bills of importance. In all bills not House. Should the majority abuse their power over the originating in this House, but sent to it from the Senate, debate, it would then be time enough for gentlemen to it was the uniform course; and when they were important, complain. the reference to a Committee of the Whole House on the Mr. ANDERSON, of Maine, said he hoped the motion of the gentleman from South Carolina would prevail. He believed that every gentleman in the House had made up his mind upon the bank question; however long the debate, he presumed that not a vote would be changed. It was his hearty desire to get a decision on the bill. He was prepared now, and at all times, to vote against the bank, and he desired an opportunity to do so speedily. He hoped the motion of the gentleman from South Carolina would prevail. PUBLIC LANDS. Mr. WICKLIFFE, from the Committee on Public Lands, having some days since reported a bill from the Senate to grant the right of pre-emption to settlers on the public lands, with an amendment proposing to strike out all after the enacting clause, and insert a different state of the Union was usually preceded by a reference to a select or to some one of the standing committees of the House, that the contents and principles of bills might undergo that cautious scrutiny which experience had shown was necessary to correct legislation. Mr. W. knew, if the motion prevailed, that it would be in his power, whenever the bill came up for consideration, to move the reference of it as he had suggested, and which was according to the usual course of business; and he would do so, because it was only by such a direction of it that Mr. McDUFFIE modified his motion so as to make the amendments could be offered and be fully discussed. By bank bill the special order of the day for Monday; and, af any other reference, though amendments might be offer-ter some further consideration, it was so ordered. ed, as the gentleman had said, yet, in the present temper of all of us to close this session, he apprehended that some one favorable to the bill might, by a call for the previous question, cut off all amendments, and a full discussion of the subject. If the supporters of the bill, however, chose to take a course to-day which would leave it uncertain what was to be done with it, and a course hereafter which would enable them to use the power of calling the previ- bill, ous question to force the bill through the House without Mr. IRVIN moved the following addition to Mr. Wickfull discussion, Mr. W. regretted that, having the power LIFFE'S amendment: which they think they have, they will not use it at SEC. 5. And be it further enacted, That the Register once to settle the public mind as to what their intentions and Receiver of the proper land district shall each be enwere in regard to the bill at this session; and if the latter titled to receive a fee of fifty cents from all persons secourse should be pursued, which he had intimated must curing rights of pre-emption under this act, and under the be, his consolation was that it could not fail to be follow- act passed on the 5th of April, 1832, entitled An act ed by a reaction, which would be favorable to the views supplementary to the several laws for the sale of public he entertained upon the subject. However, apart from the uncertainty which will exist in the public mind as to Mr. WICKLIFFE said that the proposed amendment what this House intended to do during the session if the had the approbation of the Committee on Public Lands. gentleman's motion prevailed, he was indifferent as to Mr. VINTON said he wished to have the amendment what might be its result. Mr. W. concluded by saying modified, by inserting, as a guard, the same provision as that having withdrawn the motion he had made yesterday, had been in the pre-emption law of 1830, viz. that all as he had only taken the occasion to express his wish that signments of the right of pre-emption made before the this bill might take the ordinary course of all bills of im-issuing of the patent for the land should be null and void. lands. Mr. IRVIN did not accept the modification; and the question being taken, his amendment was adopted. Mr. VINTON then offered an amendment, proposing the insertion of the clause he had before mentioned; he said it was a literal transcript from the act of 1830. Mr. WICKLIFFE observed that this was the very clause ' which the House, during the present session, had repeal: ed. It had produced no good effect, and only placed the bman who had settled on the public lands and paid the moIney for his improvement, in a worse condition, if he desired to sell, than the purchasers at public auction. He might be prevented from selling for years, while the other would be able to sell his land the very day after he purchased it. If any other guard could be devised for accomplishing the object he had at heart, Mr. W. would be very willing to adopt it. He was acting in this matter bona fide. He had no wish to further the designs of speculators, but, on the contrary, wished to guard the rights of the honest housekeepers. Mr. VINTON said he had no doubt that, should the proviso be inserted, the gentleman would have influence enough to get it repealed. But when it had been repealed before, Mr. V. had received information from the most authentic sources that the repeal had operated very beneficially to the speculators, who had thereby been enabled to avail themselves of many bad titles that they otherwise could not have converted to their purposes. That clause had been the only guard which prevented them from abusing the law. It was well known that they located individuals as their agents all over the country, who claimed the benefit of the law, as if they had been bona fide settlers. Mr. WICKLIFFE said he had no desire for a long debate, and would withdraw his opposition to the amend ment. The amendment was agreed to. The question now being on the amendment of the committee as amended, [H. OF R. their possession and improvement within the time prescribed by the act, the right to do so within a longer period than that act had provided. It had been objected to the law of 1830, that it would be equivalent to passing a perpetual law of the same kind, and would operate as a perpetual encouragement to this class of people to run over the public lands, and then to come to that House with endless applications for pre-emption. The advocates of the last pre-emption bill had assured the House that if they would only pass that law, they should never again be troubled with a similar application. But now an amendment was offered which went to carry the system far beyond any thing that was thought of in 1830. Mr. V. here called for the reading of a communication from the Commissioner of the General Land Office, made to the House before the last pre-emption law was passed; and it was read accordingly. Mr. WICKLIFFE said he did not know exactly what the gentleman meant when he talked about pledges being given that the House should never be applied to for another pre-emption law. He was very sure that he had given no such pledge. Mr. ISACKS said that he was probably one of the persons alluded to, as something he had said at that time might have been construed into a pledge such as the gentleman had mentioned; but it had not had respect to the pre-emption law of 1830, but to the bill passed at that time for the relief of the purchasers of the public lands. He had stated it was the last relief law he hoped ever to see before Congress. Mr. VINTON now went into an enumeration of all the laws making grants or giving rights of pre-emption to settlers from 1803 to 1830. Mr. WICKLIFFE explained the object of the Senate's bill as only extending the period within which the proof Mr. VINTON resumed, and proceeded to describe the required under the act of 1830 might be rendered, but operations of speculators in getting their agents located contended that there were many cases for which that law upon the most valuable spots, and advancing the money did not provide. He insisted on the unanimity with which which was to be paid. The effect of the amendment the Committee on Public Lands had agreed to the amendwould be, that, in such cases, the individual settling might ment. The only exception had been the late gentleman hold on upon the land, and the speculator would be una- from Vermont, who had entertained views of the whole ble to dispossess him; his title being good in law, there pre-emption policy very similar to those entertained by would be no resort but to a court of chancery; but as the the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. VINTON.] That gentletransaction was fraudulent in its nature, that resort would man had applied to the Commissioner of the General be unavailing. The practice would, therefore, be aban- Land Office while this amendment had been before the doned. committee, and he had received from him a communication of a very different character from that which had now been read, and in which the commissioner recommends the adoption of the amendment, a copy of which had been Mr. VINTON hoped that it would not be adopted, and submitted to him. If he had not done so, Mr. W. should that the House would retain the bill from the Senate in have had still more objection to him than he had at preits original form. The pre-emption law of 1830 had passed sent. The gentleman had stated that as soon as the last on one of the last nights of the session, almost without law had passed, the speculators had taken advantage of it, debate, and notwithstanding the Commissioner of the and that they could select the choice spots, &c. Now, it General Land Office had sent a communication to the should be remembered that the object of the speculator House to show the inconveniences that must follow, and and his speculation was not the land in its wild state, but had submitted a plat to make them the more clearly ap- it was the improvements of the industrious settler, who parent. The effect of the law must of necessity be to was obliged to make terms with the harpy who assailed suspend the sales of the public lands; for as it enabled a him, and threatened to buy up his little lot, or else lose all man who had put a house upon one tract of eighty acres to the fruits of his toil. It was a fact that the Government take up any one of all the tracts around him, it remained had sold as much land since the passage of the last pre-empuncertain which he would take, and no patent could issue tion law as it had done before; and Mr. W. had entertainfor any one of them until that was determined. Since ed the hope that he should not find on this occasion that then a bill had been framed extending his privilege to opposition from the gentleman from Ohio which had so tracts of forty acres, and the effect of the present amend- constantly and so systematically presented itself to almost ment would be to allow the settler to take his choice of every measure recommended by the committee in relation three other forty acre tracts, besides that on which he had to our public domain. Mr. W. did not intend at all to located himself, out of twenty-five or thirty such tracts implicate the gentleman's motives. He knew that he had which lay around him. The result of this must be a sus- a right to oppose any and every measure which he might pension of the sales of the public lands. The Senate's deem injurious to the public interests. But as to the prebill simply proposed to extend to persons who had, without emption law having suspended the sales, and the whole their own fault, been unable, in consequence of the mis- pre-emption system operating to supersede the sale of the take of the Government's officer, to present the proof of public lands, the idea was unfounded. On the contrary, |