H. or R.] The Tariff. [JUNE 16, 1832. It is not material to ask what response would be made Let the maniac spirit of free trade throw open your to this call; for how, how could South Carolina, thus di-ports, and this balance would grow to a fearful magnitude, vided and at war against herself, escape utter ruin? I and fall on the country like an avalanche. will not, I cannot look at the forms of utter desolation Perfect your system of protection, and it will soon melt and horror covering her whole region; a region of war, down and disappear against you; and a new one will rise a universal battle field. No thought of flight or submis-up on your side of the ocean, and against Europe. Free sion; and the last father, who, in the last onset, might trade, sir! it is the meretricious libertine of commercial cleave down his own son, would be left alone in the land intercourse; protection is the pure matron, the chaste moto do the rights of sepulture to a whole people. Sir, one ther of domestic comforts. of the brightest zones is rent from our political zodiac. A star of the first magnitude is not in our constellation. Let the statesmen of our times well and long deliberate, before they fix any principle in our Government, or make any issue under it, which cannot be tried otherwise than by battle. What heresy we are doomed to hear! "Free trade" is, under the South Carolina theory, "the true spirit of christianity." To such doctrine we may justly reply in the language of one who understood the principles of that sublime system quite as well as Dr. Cooper, or his disciples. "He who doth not take care of his own, and espe cially of his own household, hath denied the faith, and is worse than an infidel.” If any majority do that, under the forms of the constitution, which the constitution does not warrant, and the interest of any man or any number of men be thereby Let not this House deny that faith; let not the represen injured, the people have by that 'very constitution provid-tatives of this people destroy that protection by which ed a tribunal, than which none can be more independent, alone due provision can be made for that great household. none is more upright, by which all questions touching all Sir, the people claim the right to their own market; the such abuses of power, raised between the majority and right to be supplied by that market; the right to supminority, the many and the few, may be, must be, peace-ply it themselves with the products of their own indusably, constitutionally, and justly settled. Leave, then, sir, try; and the right, for that purpose, to regulate the admisleave brute force to brute beasts or to barbarous men; sion, or to exclude the entrance of foreigners and their but let all men, where christianity and civilization are products. found, adjust and determine their controversies by the arbitrament of law and justice. Of all the claims made by the minority against the majority, the most unjust, the most cruel, is the claim on them for free trade. Not until all lands, in all climates, yield a return alike valuable to human labor; not until that labor shall be equally productive in every country; not until all countries are equally advanced in the arts of production, and equally in possession of the instruments required for that production, can the world, without ruin to nations, adopt that system of trade which the Utopian fanatics require the majority of this nation to establish. God separated the human race into families, tribes, nations; and that all parts of the earth might be peopled, he gave to each the great principles of individuality, self-preservation, self-defence. The revolution was achieved for this. The constitu tion, for these purposes, was established; and all the fiscal legislation under that constitution, during forty years, has been so contrived, as that it might ultimately produce system of perfect protection to the domestic industry of the whole country. Sir, the laws proposed by the several committees and by the treasury, unless greatly modified, seem to me some more, some less calculated to repeal the legislation and destroy the labors of forty years. They do, for all its essential benefits, abolish the constitution, and render all the toils and perils of the revolution a useless waste of wealth and blood. Protection was the great purpose of our fathers in the colonies, in the confederation, and in the Union. Protection, not from the violence of war or the fear of losing blood, not protection from the sword and of life, but protection Free trade is at war with all these principles, and would of their labors, and that they might, under the shade of teach men to look to the labors of other nations, in other their own institutions, quietly eat the bread of toil and regions, for that support which God intended each nation contentment. should draw from its own labor, in its own country. Let not men vainly dream, whatever we of this House Commerce among nations will still have material enough may do, let none vainly dream that the sons of such fafor its operations, without any exchange between them of thers will now, for any fear of what never appalled those the great staple necessaries of life. What nation could fathers, and from whom they inherit no trembling" let prosper, or remain in a condition of political indepen- not, I say, political projectors, or political philosophers, dence, if made dependent for bread, or clothing, on any vainly dream that those sons, disturbed by the "thick other country? coming fancies" of any men, will give up that protection men will not Had England drawn one-half her bread from the United so purchased, so sustained, so cherished. States, from the peace of 1793 up to the commencement The evils threatened are well considered; of the long embargo, what would have been her fate un-fly from them, who never fled from any thing. They will der the operations of that measure? Precisely, sir, pre-not, certainly they will not, fly from these evils, which cisely what the projectors of it, both in this country and are told to them, and which they can measure to ills which, elsewhere, intended-the subjugation of England to accumulating throughout all future time, imagination itself France. England never will, and never can draw her can neither measure nor estimate. bread from ours, or any other country, without the peril The evils so fiercely complained of are, as it seems to of her political existence. Semi-statesmen in Europe and me, not evils of our body politic. The ministry of our demi-semi-politicians in other countries may curse her legislation can give to them no remedy. In them, "esch corn laws, but English patriots know their own interests; patient must minister to himself." In that ministration, and the fanatics of free trade will sooner hear that the be assured, they may, from all others, ever command the island is cut adrift and pushing out to sea, than that her best services of men, the most efficient aids of patriotism, great system of protection is repealed. and a sympathy as pure and undying as, I trust in God, our Union and brotherhood may be imperishable. Mr. JARVIS, of Maine, having next obtained the floor, Will you open your ports to all the world, while the ports of all the world are closed against you? How can you buy more from England unless England will buy rice, and tobacco, than you buy of her manufactures; and the Mr. E. EVERETT said that he wished to hear what Mr. J. could urge, but at that late hour, (then six o'clock,) and after a sitting of eight hours, it was not to be expected that he could do justice to the subject. He therefore moved the committee to rise. [H. OF R. Union. That was a sentiment he never expected to have heard from any American citizen who enjoyed the protection of a constitution which was the envy of the world. The motion was negatived-yeas 60, nays 84. Least of all, could he have expected to hear such lanMr. McDUFFIE observed that it must be obvious to guage in the Hall of the House of Representatives. It the House that he felt it incumbent upon him to reply to was too grave a subject for him. It could cause no smile the various arguments made on the subject before them; upon his lips. On the contrary, it filled him with horror yet he would forbear doing so, in the hope that the ques-and disgust. He hoped, therefore, to hear no more about tion would be this day disposed of in the committee, and, it, and he would conclude by expressing his trust that when the subject was brought into the House, he would every man would prepare himself for a satisfactory adgo into details, as other gentlemen would have a like op-justment of the important subject, by giving away on the portunity given them, and he entreated the committee to one side all that could be, and taking on the other what come to a speedy decision on the amendments before them. Mr. JARVIS then again took the floor, but waived his right to accommodate they could get, &c. But any thing sooner than even talking about a dissolution of the Union. Whatever grievances the States, or any of them, labored under, could be remedied hereafter by conventions, until, finally, all matters would be made right. With these views, he once more entreated members to meet one another on the subject like honest, sensible fellows, and not have even in thought the bursting asunder of the bands of this glorious Union, which had been attained by the blood and exertions of their fathers. duct. Mr. THOMAS, of Louisiana, who expressed his desire to make some explanation in defence of the State of which he was a representative. His colleague [Mr. BULLARD] had yesterday stated that Louisiana was a republican State, and that, come what would, she would stick to the Union. Mr. T. said he rose to confirm what his colleague had said, for he had spoken nothing but the truth. But, however Mr. CARSON rose, and, in reply to the observations of republican the State really was, his friend from North Ca- Mr. THOMAS, expressed his satisfaction that the circumrolina [Mr. CARSON] had endeavored to deprive her of stances detailed by him had placed the conduct of the Leher republican character, and charged that her Legisla- gislature of Louisiana altogether in a new light. He had ture had, in 1814, departed from republican principles. pleasure in acknowledging that the explanation was enSuch a charge had been heretofore made against the Le- tirely satisfactory, so much so as to remove the impresgislature, but it had been most improperly made, and had sions which had been made upon his mind as to their conoriginated altogether in misconception of a circumstance Occurring at the time the British army was besieging New Orleans. Mr. T. proceeded at length to detail the circumstances of the restraint of the Legislature by the orders of General Jackson, by posting sentinels at the door; and he vindicated, with force and feeling, the people of New Orleans from the reproach that was cast upon them, that they were willing to give up and make terms with the enemy. He allowed all possible merit to the militia of Tennessee and Kentucky for their assistance, but he maintained that, only for the neglect that had been committed in not having a depot of arms in New Orleans, the people of Louisiana felt so much their own situation, that they were capable and willing to defend themselves. He scouted the idea that any people would be thought mad enough to contemplate a surrender to an enemy, between whom and the town their own army lay, whom they could not hope to persuade into their measures. The whole charge had originated in the misconception of a message delivered by General Jackson, who, hearing of such a thing from one of his aids, sent a message to Governor Claiborne to inquire into it; instead of which the message for inquiry was construed into a positive order, and the Legislature had a guard placed over them. General Jack-46, nays 56. [No quorum.] son no doubt did what was right, in desiring Governor Claiborne to have the matter inquired into; and, further, Mr. JARVIS having obtained the floor a second time, gave way in order that the question on the amendment might be taken without debate. Mr. BATES, of Massachusetts, rose, with respect to the amendment of Mr. Davis, in his absence, and in his name withdrew it. As he knew it was his intention to modify it very much, it would be an injustice to have the question taken on it under these circumstances. Leave being given, the amendment of Mr. DAVIS was withdrawn; thereupon, as the former amendment offered by Mr. JEWETT to that amendment fell of course, Mr. JEWETT proposed the following, viz. "In the fifth line of the second section, after the word whereof,' strike out the words 'at the;' and in the sixth line, strike out the words place of exportation,' and insert the words in the principal markets of the United States;' and in the eighth line of the second section, strike out the words at the place of exportation,' and insert the words in the principal markets of the United States."" [This amendment refers to valuations.] The question being taken thereon, the vote stood, yeas A second count being demanded, Mr. STEWART wished the gentleman from New York if true, as was said, in that event, to blow them all up. to give some explanation of his views. He would have said the same; for if the charge had been Mr. JEWETT said that his object in introducing the true, they could not have been too soon blown up from amendment was to prevent various frauds which had this world into the land of spirits. He knew every man in been committed under the former bill, and which would the Legislature, and almost in the State, and could testify still be perpetrated under the provisions contained in the that the charge made to their prejudice was altogether un- bill from the Committee on Manufactures, which directdeserved; and he felt it his duty to make this explanation ed that the valuation upon which the duties were to be at once, as we all know, from experience, truth seldom rated should be taken at the place of exportation. His travels such a distance after falsehood. After a lengthen- amendment, if adopted, would render the valuation more ed explanation into the local affairs of the State during certain. the war, Mr. T. said that, with respect to the tariff sub Mr. CAMBRELENG briefly remarked that there would ject, he did not consider it at all as a party question. be one practical inconvenience sure to follow from the General Jackson, he said, was, as he [Mr. T.] himself adoption of such an amendment, viz. that the duties on was, in favor of a judicious tariff. To promote this ob- the several articles to be imported would be as variable ject, Mr. T. called on the committee to lend all their aid, as the places were numerous from which they were imto bend somewhat to each other, and not even in their ported. thoughts to have ideas, much less to speak the language After some further debate, in which Mr. MARSHALL, in daily utterance in the House, about a dissolution of the Mr. STEWART, and Mr. BOULDIN took part, H. OF R.] The Tariff. [JUNE 16, 1832. The question on the amendment of Mr. JEWETT was now to destroy their interests at a blow, without any com put, and negatived--yeas 76, nays 85. Mr. WILKIN, of New York, then proposed the following: pensatory advantage to any other interest in the Union. He referred to the extensive manufacture of satinets, which was now in danger of total prostration, and warmly remonstrated against the course that seemed to have been resolved upon. "In the second section, strike out all from the fifth to the eleventh line, inclusive, and insert the following: "On wool unmanufactured, four cents, and, also, in ad- Mr. CAMBRELENG observed that he had not troubled dition thereto, fifty per centum ad valorem; and all wool the House on this business, although it was known he was imported on the skin shall be estimated as to weight and against the protective system altogether. But if the provalue, and shall pay the same rate of duty as other import-posed plan for valuation in our own ports was better than ed wool." The question on which amendment being taken, it was lost--yeas 48, nays not counted. Mr. HOFFMAN urged the committee to proceed and take the vote on the amendment offered by Mr. STEWART. If that was to be acted on, as it was a substitute for the bill of the Committee on Manufactures, it would save much time for them to know it. If it was not to be acted upon, then the committee might proceed with the bill from the Committee on Manufactures, and discuss its details, and thus have some prospect of bringing the subject to a close. If the committee did not adopt this course, he thought they were laboring to little, if any purpose. Mr. INGERSOLL rose to propose an amendment, but gave way to Mr. DAVIS, of Massachusetts, who, having come into the Hall, submitted the following, as a modification, and in lieu of his former amendment, which had been with drawn: "Strike out from line twelve to line twenty-eight, inclusive, and insert- "On all milled and fulled cloths, made wholly of wool, and known by the name of plains or kerseys, the value whereof shall not exceed thirty-five cents the square yard, and on all blankets made of wool, the value whereof shall not exceed one dollar each, five per centum ad valorem. "On worsted stuff goods, ten per centum ad valorem. "On worsted and woollen yarn, four cents a pound, and fifty per centum ad valorem. the one we had at present, he would willingly concur Mr. DAVIS denied that there was any force in the ex-objection that the duty contemplated could operate as a prohibition. "On hosiery, mits, gloves, bindings, and blankets, cept as above, thirty-five per centum ad valorem. "On Brussels, Turkey, three-ply, ingrain, and Wilton carpeting, seventy cents the square yard. "On ingrained and Venetian carpeting, forty-five cents the square yard. "On all other kinds of carpeting of wool, or of which wool is a component part, twenty-five per centum ad va lorem. "On all other manufactures of wool, or of which wool is a component part, and on ready made clothing, fifty per centum. Mr. ADAMS rose to express his hope that the amend ment now submitted by his colleague [Mr. DAVIS} would prevail. He would state, in reply to the observations of the gentleman from New York, [Mr.CAMBRELENG,] who stated that the Secretary of the Treasury had given up the plan now proposed by his colleague as impracti cable, that he [Mr. A.] did not so understand it to be the fact. He had many deliberations with the Secretary on the subject, and, from all that passed, he had no doubt that if they, or either of them, had then supposed that the "Provided, however, that the duty on flannels and abandonment of the graduation of duties by minimum baizes shall not be less than twenty cents the square yard; could have been accomplished, that the valuation of the and provided, further, that the duties levied as aforesaid duty at home, and the abandonment, would have gone on manufactures of wool, or of which wool shall be a com- together, and a provision to that effect would have been ponent part, shall be assessed on the current wholesale found in the bills reported to the House. They both market value thereof in the principal markets of the Unit- agreed that many gross frauds had been perpetrated under ed States, which value shall be ascertained by the apprais- the former system, by valuation abroad, where the parties ers; and it shall be the duty of each and every collec-were interested in making false returns, and the change tor, where any such goods shall be entered and appraised, was not adopted by the Committee on Manufactures, b to cause the time and place of entry, the valuation made cause it was understood that the manufacturers were then by the appraisers, and the number of yards, to be perma- generally adverse to such change; but since it was ascer nently marked on each piece of goods, in such manner as tained that the minimum system was to be abandoned, he the Secretary of the Treasury shall direct." had learned that they now preferred that the valuation Upon this amendment a desultory debate arose, (it he-should be made here, where, with proper care, every ing past eight o'clock P. M.,) of which the following is fraud might be prevented. He therefore was warranted in saying, that if this had been known, it would have Mr. HUNTINGTON supported the amendment, insist-formed part of the bill reported. He, at least, would ing on the great value of the woollens manufacture to have advocated it. the country, and the necessity of protecting it. Those who were now engaged in it had invested their capital against their own original wishes, in consequence of a tariff forced upon them by others. It would be cruel a brief outline. After some further replies to the objections of Mr. C., Mr. A. concluded by saying that there could not possi bly exist such a material difference in the price of such a great staple as wool, or, in fact, in the price of any at JUNE 16, 1832.] The Tariff. [H. OF R. ticle, in the various cities of the Union, as could lead to do so; but the yeas and nays would show such persons in the consequences the gentleman apprehended. If it did their true colors. Mr. S. argued at some length, and occur, it could only be owing to some management or contended that if the minimum system was to be abanfraud by interested speculators. As a certain principle, doned, and the valuation system not adopted, it would be the trade and price of every commodity in cities however idle for any man to say that any thing whatever had been apart, under the same Government and laws, would always done to protect the wool grower. equalize and regulate each other. He, therefore, saw Mr. SUTHERLAND, with a view to get some action nothing impracticable in the amendment, and supported on the subject, proposed that each amendment should be it the rather that, as the manufacturers had been previ- voted upon in the committee forthwith, subject, however, ously dissatisfied with the bill, they would now be satisfied to an understanding that they would be indulged with the with this amendment to it. yeas and nays afterwards on such of the amendments as, Mr. CAMBRELENG contended against its adoption, if rejected, should be again offered in the House. When and said it would now appear that, instead of a reduction the bill was there, they might come to a regulation that one of the duty being made, they were actually making an person only should speak on each side on the several amendincrease; in fact, he knew no better plan could be adopt-ments. He really saw no other way to get on with the subject. ed to prohibit imports altogether, and thought it was so Mr. REED objected to this suggestion, and moved that palpably so as to be too monstrous a proposition to be the committee rise, but withdrew in favor of debated by reasonable men. Mr. ADAMS, who observed that the amendment of his Mr. HOFFMAN rose again to remind the committee of colleague was misunderstood in a most important part; the necessity that existed for making some progress in otherwise, gentlemen would not have imputed consethe bill, if it was contemplated ever to go through with it. quences to arise from it, which did not follow from it. If the amendment was rejected, no obstacle could arise to Mr. A. did not at all understand that the duty was to be prevent its being offered and discussed in the House. But calculated as alleged on the duty paid article, and read, in if it was once added to the bill, it might not be in their support of the valuation being made at home, an extract power to strike it out. He contended that by the adoption from a report made on the subject, in which, amongst other of this amendment, instead of bringing down the revenue things, was stated, at length, the extreme inconvenience to the legitimate wants of the Government of the country, which prevailed from the foreign valuations hitherto in it appeared to be the object to increase the revenue. practice, which opened the custom-houses to the most It added nearly one hundred per cent. to the duty, more atrocious frauds, and recommending a change in the systhan was in the bill from the Secretary of the Treasury; tem, which Mr. A. said was in fact the very proposition and that its practical effect would be, what seemed to be then before the committee. Mr. A. felt so strongly the the prime article in the creed of the present time, viz. prohi- importance of that provision being made, that, if it should bition. The groans put forth by the manufacturers of the be rejected, he would propose a similar amendment to present day were not new to his ears, they were just the the bill from the Committee on Manufactures. This he same that had been put forth in 1828; but he did not see was induced to do, from the information given him that there was cause for them. He opposed this amendment the proposition would be generally acceptable to the in consequence of its large increase of duty beyond what parties interested. Mr. A. remonstrated against the the bill from the Secretary of the Treasury required to efforts which were making to get these amendments bring the revenue down to the wants of the country; and hurried through the committee. But they appeared to because, if it should be carried, the same reason urged in have forgotten that, until within the last hour or so, its favor will be followed in other articles, and there will there had been scarcely any discussion upon any of the be, in fact, no reduction of duty whatever. amendments, although there had been speeches enough Mr. WILLIAMS said, from the difference of opinion made upon all the subjects generally connected with the that existed as to the effects of this amendment, he thought bill: whilst no attention was paid to the details of the there was no likelihood that the committee could then amendments, they were then urged to vote without discome to any proper understanding on it. With a view to cussion. So that now, when they had at length got to have the subject fully discussed, however anxious to make the substance of the bill, whilst the House was downprogress in the bill, he felt it his duty to move that right tired, and wearied out, they were called on to the committee rise. reject every amendment one after the other, that the bill might be got into the House. This was not the object for which a bill was entrusted to a Committee of the Mr.ROOT argued against the amendment, and thought| Whole. No, it was there, and there principally, all that it would be better at once to pass a direct law to pro- matters pertaining thereunto should, of right, be dishibit the importation of the articles, than have it done in cussed. The committee should take care how they acted, the indirect manner which this amendment undoubt- for if the bill was once taken into the House, it was edly would cause. To be sure, it might be urged that very apparent how soon the screws would be put on, how to do this was unconstitutional, but they might as well soon the previous question would be sprung upon the bill, do it directly as indirectly. They might even, possibly, and it be passed in a crude state. He must protest against better revive the continental system of Bonaparte, and such haste, particularly on a subject of such vast importburn up all foreign manufactures, than proceed the ance, and which would, in his opinion, if not thoroughly lengths to which gentlemen now wished to carry out their considered, instead of allaying insurrection, be the most calculated to provoke it, more indeed than any other Mr. BATES, of Massachusetts, urged that the amend-measure that could be devised. He moved the committee ments should be disposed of pro forma, that there might to rise. be some prospect of getting the bill into the House. The question thereon was put, and negatived-yeas 69, nays 81. views. The question thereon was negatived--yeas 76, nay's 80. Mr. STEWART enlarged upon the great value of the Mr. POLK remarked that his anxiety to get the bill woollen manufacture to this country: he maintained that through the committee arose from the conviction that if it was of more general importance than all others. The it was not acted on that night, they would be just in the Committee ought to recollect there were one hundred and same state next Saturday night. It appeared to him that, sixty-seven millions of the people's money embarked in it. although there had been no petition presented from the Was this a light matter to be hurried through the com- woollen manufacturers, the principle that was now sancmittee? If gentlemen choose to consider it lightly, and tioned by the amendment, if adopted, went to increase, vote against the interest of their constituents, they might not to reduce the protecting duty. He trusted the com H. OF R.] Pension Duties. [JUNE 18, 1832. mittee would not lose sight of the object with which they that he considered it not a little extraordinary for the had set out a fair compromise to all the interests of the country. House, after having so lately passed a law, with the dis cussion of which they were so long occupied, now to be Mr. DEARBORN restated the opinion that the amend called on to change it in an important feature by means of ment was altogether misunderstood; and he denied that it a resolution. He, however, had understood, as some rea was the intention of his colleague to increase the protect- son for the change contemplated, that a variety of books ing duty. He contended that the minimum system being and returns in relation to pensions were at present in the to be abolished, it was absolutely necessary to have the War Department, which it would be necessary to incur valuation of the duty made on the article here: no chicane some expense to have copied, or to have transferred to the was contemplated. His colleague had expressly stated other department. But he had made some inquiry into he did not deem it expedient then to go into details as to the matter, and he learned, that so far from that being the rates to be fixed on the manufactured article, until the the case, it was the reverse; and the War Department, duty on the wool itself was regulated. If the ad valorem if the resolution should be adopted, would have to incur should be left as it was, to be fixed in England, and the the expense, &c. of getting those things from the treasu minimum abolished, there could be no doubt that ruin ry, or they would have to send into the several States to would be brought upon every manufacturer in the coun- get books, without which it would be impossible for them try. It was altogether erroneous to say that the woollen to perform the duties named in the pension bill. But were manufacturers were in a flourishing condition, for he could it otherwise, he might appeal to the House, and ask if assure the committee that they were now in such a condi- there were not many existing complaints against the War tion, that, if the system was not followed up, the manufac- Department, or the persons having charge of the pension ture of cloth would be destroyed altogether. He knew business there, for the manner in which their duties under at this very moment, in consequence of the high price of other pension bills were performed. In saying so, he wool last year, the manufactured article did not bring, in had no reference whatever to the highly estimable person the neighboring city of Baltimore, the price of the wool (Mr. Cass) who was the Secretary of War and head itself. Mr. D. had not hitherto troubled the House, of the department. No man held his character for diliknowing that the subject was in so much abler hands; but gence, intelligence, and honor, higher than he did. He he could not sit still and see this numerous and valuable had known him since 1812, and, as much from that knowclass of men swept down at one fell blow, without making ledge as from the report of others, he would say there was their case fully known to the committee. no officer of the Government, nor any man in the nation, Mr. WILLIAMS asked, from the conflicting statements in whom he felt more perfect confidence. For his career of the gentleman from Tennessee, [Mr. POLK,] and of the since he came into office was only a verification of a other gentleman from Massachusetts--this, that the amend- prediction made by Colonel McKenney long since as to ment will not increase the duty on woollens; and the his efficiency in every respect for that office. This also other, that it will--how it was possible for any member would be found in the files of the National Intelligencer at that hour (then nine o'clock) to have a right examina- of 1825, where he was strongly recommended for the very tion of the subject. He asked again, who could then re- office he now so creditably fills. He mentioned this, beconcile the difference? He, for one, was not able to cause, being opposed to the proposed transfer of duties, determine, yet they must settle it, in order to regulate he wished it to be understood that that opposition was not the very important question involved. There must, on account of any fears he entertained as to the Secretary therefore, be more deliberation, not so much haste; and himself not performing the duties properly. It was not with this view, in order to give full and necessary time to so, and he repeated that, if he personally was to examine the gentleman from Massachusetts to go into the details into these matters; if it was his duty, or if it could be ex he was so anxious to give to the House, he would renew pected that he himself could attend to the passing indivi his motion for the committee to rise; and, as it was so all-dually upon the numerous applications that would be made important a question to settle, he hoped that gentlemen would recollect that, even if the subject should be kept open until Saturday, the time would be well spent. This motion was carried by a majority of one vote, (76 to 75,) and the House adjourned, after a laborious sitting of eleven hours. MONDAY, JUNE 18. under this bill, there was not a man in the nation whom he would prefer. Having said so much, he felt bound ing, against the chief of the bureau, (Mr. Edwards,) to disclaim that he had any thing to urge, personally speakthrough whose office, and by whose superintendence, if the resolution was adopted, the duties would be performed. His objection arose solely from the loud and numerous complaints against the manner in which applicants under the pension laws of 1818 and 1820 had been treated. These complaints were bruited every where, and were safe that had been bestowed by the House on the pension such as to warrant him in saying, notwithstanding all the bill of this year, its benefits would be in a great degree lished by M. St. Clair Clarke and Peter Force; which was read twice; and the question being put on ordering it to cations for relief, under it, would be frustrated. If ex unfelt, as he was confident at least one-half of the appli be engrossed for a third reading, it was negatived-yeas 56, nays 67. pense was urged as an argument against this duty being [Mr. SPEIGHT subsequently moved a reconsideration performed by the Treasury Department, then he mainof the vote, to enable Mr. E. to give some information in tained that it could not be so, for he had been in support of the bill to the House. The motion for reconformed that if even the War Department sideration was agreed to, and the further proceedings on act the business, there must be additional clerks employed. the bill were postponed until Friday.] The same additional force might, therefore, be employed by the treasury. The House had an additional fact before propriety of this transfer; and that was, that it would ap them, on which they could judge of the necessity and pear that the application for it came from Mr. Edwards himself, from the very individual who wished to execute the duties under it. Mr. E. EVERETT reported, from the Committee on the Library, a bill authorizing a subscription for one thousand two hundred and fifty copies of the Documentary History of the American revolution, proposed to be pub PENSION DUTIES. The joint resolution from the Senate to transfer the per formance of certain duties enjoined by the late pension bill from the department of the Secretary of the Treasury to that of the Secretary of War, coming up for a second reading, Mr. WHITTLESEY, of Ohio, objected to it, and said were to trans from the Secretary of War, Mr. J. L. Edwards, and others; Mr. HUBBARD handed to the Clerk several letters |