a railway company, the operation of whose system had been suspended by a strike among its freight handlers, and the principle on which he acted would justify such a law as I suggest.

These, then, are my suggestions for the cure of such evils as affect the body politic: equal rights to all men in the enjoyment of all facilities furnished by the government directly or by agencies of its selection; publicity of every detail in corporate management affecting the community; penalties for the interruption through strikes or other industrial disturbances of any public service which a corporation is chartered to perform, unless the corporation can show that it had always been ready to discuss matters in dispute with its employees through agents of their own selection.

These remedies are not ambitious plans for the reorganization of society, but merely suggestions to promote the industrial coöperation of men by a fuller recognition of certain immutable and eternal laws governing the human race. It is said that the closer coöperation of man, tends to destroy individualism. Individualism is another of those phrases which appear to have been invented for the special purpose of bewildering the mind. It disguises an argument for barbarism under an expression with a humanitarian sound. Individualism in its last analysis is savagery. The savage depending on himself alone for his shelter and his food, treating all his fellows as foes to be shunned or killed, is the most complete instance of individualism conceivable. Individualism is isolation or savagery. Association or coöperation is civilization. The badge of savagery is the weapon of destruction by which the savage maintains his isolation. The badge of civilization is the implement of production by which each man enlists the coöperation of many men for the benefit of all. All civilized men are engaged in a great scheme of coöperation, in which the activity of every man's hands is of vital importance to all the rest.

If socialism would result in a more abundant yield of the earth I would be a socialist. I don't believe that in the present condition of the race a man would labor as zealously or as effectively for the common good as he does now for his own profit and therefore I believe socialism would restrict rather than promote the volume of production.

Again, we are told that closer coöperation among men tends inevitably to socialism. This conference will not have been held in vain if it result in dispelling to some extent that fog of phrases which so often overhangs economic discussions, causing men to lose sight of the object which they have undertaken to consider. The matter that concerns us is the system which best

promotes the fruitfulness of industry, not the term in which that system may be described.

Socialism and individualism are features of our existence now. No one can attempt to gratify individual desires without serving society at large. Wherever a man labors to improve his own condition, he contributes to the welfare of the entire race. Can you or I do one thing for individual benefit without benefiting all our fellows? Can vanity indulge itself, can pride gratify itself, can appetite satisfy itself, without paying a tribute to the universal partnership in which we are all engaged? The man who builds a palace to gratify pride, must employ ten thousand hands in every quarter of the globe. The woman who buys a robe to indulge vanity, must employ hundreds of her fellow-creatures throughout the world. The miser, seeking to raise the rate of interest on his capital from 5 to 6 per cent must serve his fellows in doing so. There is but one way in which he can increase the profits of his capital, and that is by an increase of its productivity. If his capital be employed in making tables, more tables must be produced; if in building, more houses must be erected; if in agriculture, the area of tillage must be increased. In doing all these things more labor must be employed, and thus hundreds of dollars will be distributed in wages for every one that is gained by capital. Our pride, our hopes, our fears, our ambitions are but illusions which spur us to activity in the service of others,-traces that bind us to the car of human progress, making of all our activities forces to move it onward and upward. The questions which perplex the civilization of this age arise from freedom and the ever-swelling tide of prosperity, of which freedom is the fountain. The triumph of Christianity led inevitably to the establishment of this republic. A government based on the equality of all men in the eye of the law was the necessary fruit of a religious belief in the equality of all men in the sight of God.

The economic effect of Christianity was the substitution of free labor for slave labor. The removal of manacles from the hands of man has worked an extraordinary change in his condition. It has wonderfully increased his productivity, extended the scope of his powers, multiplied his possessions, lengthened the span of his days, widened the horizon of his ambitions. But out of the very prosperity which it has created, a difficulty has sprung. The slave was willing to accept from the hands of his master a crust of bread as a reward for his labor, glad to escape the lash, but the free laborer demands a fair share of the property

which has been created by his toil. The adjustment of this demand, the fair distribution of the commodities created by the coöperative industry of every man, is the problem of this age. I do not think it is an insuperable or even a very difficult question. Its solution in my judgment, will be found by recognizing in our industrial systems, the partnership of man as we have recognized in our political system, the equality, the brotherhood of man. While the relations of men are governed by the principles of justice and morality which underlie this government, and indeed the whole fabric of Christian civilization,-I have no fear of the future. Words cannot disturb me while every fact in history encourages me. This civilization which has created our marvelous prosperity, will defend it and maintain it. I have no sympathy with those timid souls who see in our splendid growing civilization a dizzy eminence from which the race is in constant peril of falling back into the darkness and ignorance from which it has risen. I prefer to regard man as a reasonable being, pursuing by the light of experience an ever-ascending pathway of progress, proving by what he has done, his capacity for greater deeds,-surveying from the heights which he has achieved, with courage, with determination, and with confidence, the still nobler heights which are accessible.

WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN.

Several times during his address the speaker was interrupted by bursts of applause, but especially was this noticeable when he referred to Col. Bryan in a brief but glowing eulogy. As he took his seat the demonstration was punctuated by calls for the noted Nebraskan who, after much pressure, stepped forward and said:

I am denying myself a great pleasure when I refuse to respond to your very cordial invitation. When I came this afternoon and found that Mr. Cockran and I were to speak together this evening, or it had been so announced, I consulted with him and with those who were in charge, and it was the decision that anything like a debate would not be in keeping with the purpose of this conference.

"We are not here to arouse partisan feeling by standing as representatives of different ideas. We are here to take part in a conference, to give expression to our views, and to gather as much information as we can from the views expressed by others, and it

was decided that it was better that Mr. Cockran should have this evening by himself and that I should speak to-morrow at 10 o'clock and give my views. And while, as I say, I am denying myself a great pleasure in refusing to speak to this magnificent audience, I am sure that you upon reflection will agree that our decision is the correct one and that the purpose of this conference shall be carried out and that we shall avoid as far as possible anything that might seem like partisanship or an attempt to array one part of the body against another part.

"I don't know to what extent Mr. Cockran represents the views of the delegates here. I don't know to what extent I represent the views of the delegates in what I shall say, but to-morrow at 10 o'clock I shall submit some remarks in regard to the subject of monopoly and make some suggestions as to methods by which monopoly can be eliminated. I am one of those who believe that monopoly in private hands is indefensible in a free country.

"While I agree with much that Mr. Cockran has said to-night, agree with some of the remedies proposed, I cannot fully agree with all that he has said, and to-morrow instead of attempting to answer any part in which I may differ, I expect to present this subject as it appears to me in order that I may contribute my part toward the solution of this great question."

At 10:50 o'clock the conference adjourned until 10:30 o'clock the following morning.

MORNING SESSION, SEPTEMRER 16.

It was 10:05 o'clock when Chairman Howe called to order the first of the two last sessions of the conference. In anticipation of Col. William J. Bryan's reply to Mr. Cockran's address of the preceding evening the hall was again packed to the doors, and many of the scenes of the previous evening were reënacted.

Moved by Gaines, of Tennessee, seconded by Davis, of Arkansas, that a committee of five on finance and publication be appointed by the chair. Carried.

W. E. STANLEY.

Governor of Kansas.

Chairman Howe introduced Governor Stanley, of Kansas, who

said:

More than three years ago in this city a great political party met in convention, and in less than an hour changed their policy and entrusted their banner and chances of success into the hands of a new and untried champion. The campaign that followed was one of the most memorable-aye, the most memorable in the history of American politics. We did not all agree with the wonderful man who led over 7,000,000 voters with him in that fight; but we did all admire his matchless eloquence and brilliant leadership.

It is not necessary for me to introduce him to any American audience. I take pleasure, however, in presenting to this audience Col. W. J. Bryan, who will now address you.

WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN.

Col. Bryan was as enthusiastically received as he had been when he entered the hall on the preceding evening. As soon as the applause, which was long and vigorous, had subsided he began his address, saying:

I appreciate the very kind words spoken by Governor Stanley in presenting me to this audience. I am glad I live in a country where people can differ from one another, differ honestly, express their convictions boldly, and yet respect one another and acknowledge one another's rights. I am not vain enough, however, to think that any good will which has been expressed by the people toward me is due to personal merit. If I have had political friends it is because people believe with me in certain ideas or rather because I believe with them in certain ideas. It is the idea that makes the man. The man is only important as he helps the idea.

I come this morning to discuss in your presence a great question-a question of growing importance to the American people. The trust principle is not a new principle, but the trust principle is manifesting itself in so many ways and the trusts have grown so rapidly that people now feel alarmed about trusts who did not feel alarmed three years ago. The trust question has grown in