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risen to place among the minor notabilities, Mr. Jerome must be included. That humor of the better vein which seeks the kinship of mirth rather than that of satire, and is not devoid of sympathy with the faults at which it laughs so pleasantly, is not so common that we can afford to let it pass. Mr. Jerome is a gracious and kindly jester, and he wears the cap and bells in the exercise of a mood without the like of which the world would be a far more doleful place. He has found fit ting field for the exercise of his talents in the domain of stage-land, and the pleasant little book before us shows he has plenty more to say on the same subject. The present sketches relate the common professional experiences of the actor, and are full of lively incidents and amusing pictures, some of which are as good in their way as the stage experiences of Nicholas Nickleby. The book appears to have been derived from personal history and not from observation, and of course is all the better for this reason. It does not sparkle with the strong and powerful quality of the writer's earlier writing, but it is racy and entertaining. Ulysses does not always bend his bow.

FOREIGN LITERARY NOTES.

Harriet Preston's translation of "Mirèio"
(Mireille) by Frédéric Mistral, the French
Provençal poet, a work in a new school of
French poetry, which excited at the time great
enthusiasm, and from which Gounod took the
theme of an opera. This Provençal renais-
sance, known as the Félibrige, "lou rièi
paire de Felibre," has produced several brill-
iant additions to the literature of France,
butt he founder of it, who died recently, is
less well known than some of his disciples.
Joseph Roumanille died at Avignon on May
24th. He was born August 8th, 1818, at St.
Remy, where his father was a gardener. Edu-
cated at Tarascon, he went to Avignon in 1845
as tutor in a school, where one of his scholars
was Frédéric Mistral. His first volume of
poems-a volume which dates the beginning
of the movement which has added a beautiful
modern literature to the beautiful early liter-
ature of the Troubadours-was Li Mar-
garideto" (1847). This was followed by "Li
Capelan" (1851), "Li Provenzalo" (1852),
"Li Souniarello" (1852), "La Part de Dieu"
(1853), "La Campana Mountado" (1857),
"Li Nouvè" (1865), Li Flour de Sàuvi,”
"Lis Entarro-chin'' (1874), and “Fau i'ana."
In 1864 a collected edition of Roumanille's
works in verse and prose was published in
two volumes, 'Lis Oubreto en Vers'' and
Lis Oubreto en Proso." In 1883 a volume
of tales was issued under the name of
Li
Conte Prouvençau e li Cascareleto." Rou-
manille, who was a bookseller, was his own
publisher, and the publisher of the works of

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Mistral and most of the other Félibres. The charm of Roumanille's work lies in its quaint and simple freshness, its delicious humor, its absence of literary artifice.

His songs

THE Athenæum notices with marked approbation and with no reservation of comment a short story by Mr. Frank Harris, the editor of the Fortnightly Review, published in the last number of that periodical, entitled "A Modern Idyl." We do not propose to discuss the literary value of the story here, but only to make a passing reflection in wonder that the staid Atheneum should have failed to call attention to the abominable indecency and want of taste, not to use stronger terms, shown by have the flavor of folk-songs, his tales the the author. The story is simply that of an adulterous courtship between an American minister and the wife of his principal deacon. The way in which religious ecstasy and licentious passion are commingled is worthy of the most advanced disciples of the new French school. A self-respecting critic would far better run the risk of being called a Philistine than express anything but disgust at such a flagrant insult to all the established decencies. This short story contains more callous immorality than "Madame Bovary'' "Mademoiselle de Maupin." There is not a reputable magazine in the United States which would dare to publish such a story.

or

MANY of our readers will remember Miss

flavor of folk-tales. It is not literature that one reads, it is spoken words that one hears, it is the people singing at their work. Tales like "Lou Curat de Cucugnan" ("Le Curé de Cucugnan," well known in Daudet's French version) and “Lou Abat Tabuissoun” (“ L'Abbé Tabuisson") have the exquisite and perfectly pious irreverence of the monkish legends of the Middle Ages, with little that betrays a modern origin.

ON June 3d Messrs. Sotheby sold the antograph мss, of Wilkie Collins's plays, together with the copyright and fees accruing therefrom. Appended to the same catalogue are a number of autograph letters, chiefly of literary interest, including the original agreement

iant brains are entirely undiluted by any principle except that of self-love. Lewis, on the point of entering into possession of the property, receives a letter from a London law firm indicating the possession of letters on the part of Hillyard which circumstantially prove that the former was the son not of George Kerr's wife, but of his mistress, and therefore not competent to be his uncle's heir. Fargus now realizes the logic of "consequences," in the fact that his idolized son risks disinheritance on the score of illegitimacy from his own past folly, and that he, the only one who could explain the true meaning of the dangerous documents, is legally

dead. All the resources of his craft and cour

age are, however, stimulated to the utmost by paternal love to fight a losing battle to a victory. Hillyard to his amazement, for he can discover no motive, soon learns that his true opponent in the duel is not his cousin, but his cousin's mentor. It is scarcely needful to dull the edge of the reader's curiosity by retailing the thrust and parry of two daring and well-matched fencers. Each learns to respect the other's prowess in this battle of wits, and if Colonel Fargus finally disarms his opponent without revealing his identity to the world, it is only by the accident which always justifies, in novels at least, Milton's dictum, "Thrice is he armed that hath his quarrel just." The somewhat vulgar and un-Miltonic accident in this case comes through the agency of a pretty barmaid, who had loved the sly college don "not wisely but too well."

The conception of Hillyard, the Oxford scholar, who carries parallel with his keen love of science and letters and a genuine intellectual pre-eminence the tastes of the voluptuary and the arts of the scoundrel, is a strong piece of character work, well worked out in detail and studied with notable literary art. The cynical indifference of one so well established in his own superiority that he despises the opinions of those who have learned that he is a hypocrite is warmed, too, with a touch of humanity in keeping with the cynicism. The beaten gamester at the last discovers that his plebeian mistress, she who had been the principal agent in his defeat, has a genuine hold on his corrupt heart; and he makes her an honest woman, in utter defiance of his own interests and worldly convention, because it so pleased him. An interesting minor complication of fresh fancy is that the woman beloved by Lewis Kerr had already fallen desperately in love with the

gallant ex-Confederate hero, Colonel Fargus, still a youngish man in the prime of life. But there we have said enough. Let the reader take a taste of the pudding and find out the rest of the plums for himself.

us.

The Marquis of Lorne possesses the merits of having husbanded an English princess, of having made a respectable Governor-General of Canada, and of being the heir of a dukedom and the future head of the Campbells. His ambition, however, leads him to crave laurels which are not accidental; and he has sought to struggle up the cliffs of Parnassus and seek fellowship with the muses with the sincere self-confidence which sometimes makes mediocrity respectable. Our noble author is fortunate in this, that he has no reputation to risk by writing poor fiction. Candor forces us to hint that, had his prefix been a plebeian title, he would have found it difficult to have found any shrewd practitioner in literary obstetrics to have presided at the birth of the infant in the case of the alleged novel before The book is without point, and the only feature at all interesting (something, by the way, which has only casual connection with the story) is a description of a remarkable cave on the seaboard of Northern Scotland, which is rather good. How the fair American heroine meets, loves, and espouses a youthful Scot whom she meets in California constitutes the whole of the story, which is unillumined by any scintilla of romance or by any penetrating insight into matters which the world cares for. Why this prosaic narrative should have commended itself to the fancy of the author one seeks in vain to guess. "From Shadow to Sunlight" has at least the minor merit of being short. It was an ancient boast of the Clan Campbell, "It is a far cry to Sochow." We may say, too, that it is a long stretch from the well-marked talent of the Duke of Argyle, who has made himself honored as a scholar and thinker, to the mediocrity of his eldest son, who seeks to disport himself in the more airy and elegant fields of letters. It is, however, an infinitely better and manlier way of dispelling ennui than imposing heavy "baccara" the price to be paid fo ciety. The public at to buy and read any p ON THE STAGE AND O a Would-be Actor New Y Amo

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typical humanity, without any trial being made of their intrinsic value. The greed and covetousness associated with the early discovery of the continent by the foreigner have therefore to be accounted for, as their impress has been left on its expansion side by side with that of the Pilgrim Fathers; and the fabled fountain, which at one time seemed to have been found in the development of the democratic spirit, is still to be sought by every one who desires the happiness of man.

In writing so, it is not, of course, denied that the progress of the world has been accelerated by the influence of the United States, which consolidated freedom and taught the way to wealth by throwing to the winds every vestige of "ancient prejudice;" but the lever that accomplished these results was education, and the early advantage derived from its adoption is now no longer exclusively retained. The increase of wealth, nevertheless, which remains the chief feature of the gain, cannot be taken as the gauge of progress, though it is commonly accepted as evidence; for although its distribution is greater than at any other time, thereby enabling vast numbers to enjoy a large material happiness, its whole drift, except in the British Isles, runs in the direction of the creation of monopolies and so long as this is the case, the interests of the many must be sacrificed to those of the few. The fight for freedom in America, the rebellion against dictation, after destroying all obstacles to that improvement of the race which is now a reality, has thus lost its prime significance in the modern unfolding of events. The selfishness of the nation in upholding a system of Protection, greatly accentuated by the M'Kinley tariff, is beginning to be reflected in the selfishness of the individual seeking a special good. Were it not actually in existence, the political philosopher would naturally look for its effect on private action, wherever a public policy is based on exclusivism, and expect to see produced internally a disposition of affairs parallel to what exists externally. So that a democracy, of all forms of government, which cultivates nationally its own peculiar interests to the neglect of the welfare of humanity, must run the risk of its local affairs standing in the same relation to its general attitude as this stands towards the world. In the falseness of

its position it is a community of stagnation,
no matter how great the prosperity of the
surface may seem, and sooner or later will
reap what it has sown. Already the vigor
and freshness of youth, at one period so
captivating to outsiders, has been lost in
the premature arrival of a middle age of
labor problems. The America of to-day
holds out no helping ideas to solve the
higher questions of life. Its democracy
appears to be content with its greatest
achievement-the victory of self-govern-
ment; and having provided a vote for
every one at the attainment of manhood,
has retired from the contest with an air
of repose. It cannot, however, rest satis-
fied here, as the winning of independence
was the realization of a hope long cher-
ished in England. The right, too, on
which self-government has been based-
the reason and the probity of the individ-
ual-must be exercised to the full to make
progress a fact; and this is not accom-
plished by the casting of a vote.
A re-
sponsibility not to be forgotten attaches
to the voter, requiring at his hands the
consideration of the interests of the na-
tion over and above all political machines.
He must subordinate individual good to
national gain; and where this is not a
primary object, an end will be made to
healthy advance. The Protective tariff
that shuts off foreign competition with
the cry of America for Americans, forces
the cultivation of the one-sided view. The
consequences, accordingly, are visible in
a reawakened spirit of sectarianism; and
although the modern tendency of Con-
gress is toward assuming the powers of a
national council like Westminster, this is
more the outcome of a wish to speak with
authority than the natural flow of opinion
to find a centre at Washington.

If, therefore, American democracy is not to belie the songs of the poets of the first years of the century, who welcomed its birth as the downfall of tyranny, it must restudy the history of its early foundation. Its future must be devoted to emancipating the mind of the public from the pursuit of dividends, by giving a check to those monopolies of trade that are building up a greater despotism than the mercantile system, the origin of the American rebellion. If it is not to turn in upon itself like animal intelligence, with the fulfilment of the original object of its existence, but is to be creative and

progressive, it will be necessary to destroy individual selfishness by widening the area of competition,-in opening all ports to the business of the nations, and freely accepting their goods. Even now it is evident, through the unequal diffusion of wealth, notwithstanding a broad average of gain hitherto unparalleled, that the rich are growing richer, and the poor poorer. An oligarchy of the one rules a democracy of the other. At the present rate of procedure, and under the same fiscal system, it cannot be very long before a line of demarcation will appear between the two, and a return set in toward the social state of ancient Rome. No other cause than the forcing of commerce into unnatural channels, seems adequate to explain the growing congestion; for only an eighth of the arable land is estimated to be under cultivation, no want of enterprise is shown by the people, nor are there any internal checks on mercantile transactions; while in Great Britain the late Trade Commission made clear that remuneration was almost even between capital and work. Cobden discovered long ago it was the interest of every country to arrange its finances on the freest basis, so that imported articles might enter into consumption at the cheapest price. The Americans, however, hold an opposite opinion, and have heavily handicapped in foreign markets not only their farmers, but their manufacturers, by the duties they levy on the introduction of raw materials. They broke the shackles of social despotism, but permitted the politicians to reforge them under the guise of domestic welfare, and while glorying in the delusion of an expression called "republican freedom," cling to class legislation of the worst description. The ancient boast of what democracy would do for the United States and for the world has consequently become at the moment a little vain. The political liberation of the individual, the great increase of material comfort, has not been followed up by a period of natural freedom, which would have carried the new conditions on into a new era of progress, but with enormous possibilities lying at the hand of every one, has been succeeded by years of arrest -so far as the continuous amelioration of the lot of the wage-earner is concerned that has created a false position, and enslaved the population as a whole, until

with the rise of artificial liberty there are signs of national trouble in the ballotbox.

That the adoption of Protection has increased the spirit of selfishness, is evident not alone in the United States. We see it every where in the national desire to benefit at some other nation's expense, as if such a thing had never been shown to be impossible, by the laws of political economy. In America, however, this spirit is beginning to make itself felt to such an extent, that the people are becoming vaguely conscious, by the load of taxation they are compelled to bear, of the necessity for tariff reform. Unfortunately for themselves, it fell to the lot of the republican party to endeavor to effect this end by promising a happy time to every one, and, per contra, a bad time to the rest of mankind through the notorious M'Kinley bill. No measure could more clearly demonstrate the blindness which has fallen on political Americans, owing to the cultivation of selfishness, than the passing of this Act into law; and it is undoubtedly a satisfactory thing that the recent elections have proved the nation at large to be more or less aware of the fact. Still, the consequences arising internally out of national self-aggrandizement are seen at the bottom of nearly every great question. Witness the action of President Cleveland, in rejecting the treaty negotiated by Mr. Chamberlain and Sir C. Tupper, which was reported to the Senate as fair and equitable; and the protracted negotiations over the right of fishing in Behring Sea, which has led Mr. Blaine to trifle with the peculiarly American idea of arbitration. Both of these results can be traced very clearly, as is generally believed, to the wish of securing a party triumph, and yet in both the welfare of the country was overlooked; for it cannot be to the universal good that strained relations should exist between the two great branches of the Anglo-Saxon race.

Not so very long ago there was published at New York a small book called

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