a commercial country since 1791, and which I have had neither leisure nor she wants, and will have, a share of inclination to look into. Amongst these, the gold and the silver which was be- one gentleman has pointed out to me a fore confined to Europe. My opinion, passage in the 22d Number of the therefore, is, that prices will fall below Westminster Review, taken from the the standard of 1791; that we shall French newspaper the CONSTITUTIONhave wheat at from three to four shil-NEL, of the 4th of September last. This lings a bushel, Winchester measure, passage 1 will insert in the original and that we shall have good beef, on an French, as well as in translation, below; average, at three-pence the pound; the requesting you, my Lord Duke, first to quartern loaf, if it remain thus taxed read it with attention, then to consider through the loads imposed upon the that this is what the French people think baker, cannot sink in the same degree; of us and our Goverment; and next let but butter we shall have, fresh butter, me express a hope, that whatever may for about five-pence or sixpence the have been the past, your conduct and pound. I can remember very well when measures will be such as to give the lie my father sold his wheat for five pounds to the third paragraph from the end of the load (of forty Winchester bushels), the passage, which paragraph begins and that is two shillings and sixpence a with the words, "the higher orders," bushel. I can see no reason whatever and ends with the words, "hurry off to why it should not come back to the spoil or smother them." same price. Ten-pound notes of the Bank of England were circulating then; and if we come back once more to that mark, who is fool enough to believe, that more than a quarter part of the present taxes can be paid, without ruining all the middle class of the community, and without plunging the working class into absolute starvation? Thus stands the matter at this moment: all men of property, in every branch of trade, are looking with anxiety to see what you will do. Masters and men, in these hives of industry where I now am, seem at last to perceive that they have one common interest. They perceive that the landowners are endeavouring to draw you over to their own side: the industrious classes seem generally, as far as I have been able to observe, to fix their hopes on you; and I very sincerely wish that I may not find their hopes disappointed. One of the benefits of travelling to the North, is, that you meet, at every turn, men of education and of most intelligent minds. | I came from the South to instruct; but, in many respects, I have met with instructers. In their wonderful works of art I take little interest, because the knowledge would be of no use to me, though of such great use to them and their country; but they read so much, that really they point out to me things WM. COBBETT. PASSAGE FROM THE FRENCH NEWSPAPER, THE 1829. 1 I n'y a plus moyen de rétablir la servitude telle qu'elle existait aux beaux temps de la féodalité; si l'aristocratie restaurée tentait de se partager la population pour l'attacher à la glèbe, elle formerait une tentative qui serait plus dangereuse pour elle que pour la France. Il n'est pas possible non plus de transformer la France en une propriété de famille, dont un prince aurait la disposition absolue, sous condition d'en partager les produits à ses courtisans. Le rétablissement du régime fondé par Louis XIV. n'est pas moins impossible que celui du régime féodal. Il est un troisième système dont l'exécution est beaucoup plus practicable: c'est celui dont l'Angleterre nous offre la modèle, et que M. de Polignac vient tenter de réaliser; c'est l'asservissement et l'exploitation en masse de toutes les classes industrieuses par l'aristocratie, sous des formes et des noms constitutionnels. Dans ce système que la gouvernement anglais entend à merveille, le pouvoir mais elle la conserve en laissant évaporer en vaine fumée une force qui pourrait la détruire. législatif appartient exclusivement aux membres de l'aristocratie; les fonctions publiques qui mènent aux honneurs et à la fortune, n'appartiennent qu'aux L'exercise de la puissance aristocrahommes investis du pouvoir législatif, à tique étant attaché à la possession de leurs enfans ou à leurs parens; et le grandes propriétés territoriales, on conpeuple qui travaille est la propriété çoit que les cadets ne peuvent avoir des fonctionnaires publics. L'aristocratie aucune part dans les immeubles que anglaise exploite les classes industrieuses | leurs parens laissent en mourant. Les avec beaucoup d'intelligence; elle leur enfans d'une famille aristocratique laisse tous les moyens de produire des tomberaient tous, en effet, dans les richesses; chacun des individus qui lui rangs vulgaires, s'ils partageaient par sont soumis peut choisir le métier qui égales parts les biens de leurs parens. lui semble le plus lucratif. Les atteintes L'aîné retient donc pour lui seul les individuelles, qui feraient disparaître les immeubles, auxquels est attaché l'exercapitaux, et arrêteraient la production, cise du pouvoir aristocratique, et il se sont réprimées. Les travailleurs ne sont sert ensuite de ce pouvoir pour enrichir ni gênés ni troublés dans leurs travaux; ses cadets aux dépens des classes indusils sont libres dans leur industrie et leur trieuses. On se trompe quand on s'imacommerce comme des abeilles dans une gine qu'en Angleterre tous les biens ruche. d'une famille aristocratique sont excluMais cette liberté dans le travail ne sivement dévolus à l'aîné: celui-ci profite pas plus aux classes industrieuses prend, il est vrai, les propriétés immoque ne profite aux abeilles la miel bilières, qui sont exclusivement dans le qu'elles amassent avec tant de soin. domaine de la famille; mais les cadets L'aristocratie, au moyen des impôts ont pour eux des bénéfices ecclésiasqu'elle scule a le privilége d'établir, ab- tiques richement dotés, des sinécures ou sorbe la partie la plus considérable de des emplois que le public est chargé de leurs revenus, et les distribue sous des payer. Tous ces biens sont considérés noms divers aux membres dont elle se comme le patrimonie de la famille; car, compose. A proprement parler, le parle-nous ne saurions trop le répéter, l'arisment anglais remplit l'office d'un siphon: il pompe les richesses produites par les classes laborieuses, et les fait passer dans les mains des familles aristocratiques. Mais comme il est une machine intelligente, il laisse aux hommes industrieux L'aristocratie de la Grande-Bretagne, ce qui leur est nécessaire pour travailler qu'il ne faut pas confondre avec le toujours. peuple anglais, peuple taillé à merci et L'aristocratie anglaise laisse pénétrer miséricorde, ne permettra jamais que, dans les deux chambres quelques dans aucun pays, les classes industrihommes populaires, et c'est dans l'in-eusses n'appartiennent qu'à elles-mêmes, térêt de sa domination. Si les hommes tant qu'elle aura le moyen de l'emau profit desquels la classe industrieuse pêcher. Elle sent très-bien que son est exploitée composaient exclusivement propre pouvoir sur les classes laborila législature, ils pourraient compro-euses des pays soumis à son empire, ne mettre leur pouvoir en exigeant du sera hors de contestation que lorsque peuple plus qu'il ne serait capable de partout ailleurs les mêmes classes seront payer. Les hommes populaires qui possédées par une famille ou par une pénètrent dans les chambres ont soin de caste. Aussi la voit-on, dans toutes les les avertir quand ils s'exposent à quelque danger. L'opposition, dans la machine du gouvernement, remplit l'office de la soupape de sûreté dans la machine à vapeur: elle n'en gêne pas l'action; tocratie met au rang de ses propriétés, non seulement les terres qu'elle possède directement, mais aussi les classes industrieuses qu'elle impose comme il lui plaît et dont elle se partage les revenus. circonstances, faire cause commune avec la barbarie contre la civilisation. Elle prend parti pour l'Autriche contre l'Italie, pour don Miguel contre don Pedro, pour les Turcs contre les Grecs. Si quelquefois elle paraît se prononcer du roi. C'est aux électeurs à voir s'ils pour les défenseurs de la liberté, ce leur convient de s'accommoder d'un tel régime: leur sort est entre leur mains. -DE LA CHARTE SELON L'ARISTOCRATIE. Constitutionnel du 4 Septembre, 1829. TRANSLATION. n'est que pour s'emparer de la direction de leurs affaires et les livrer à leurs ennemis. Partout, en un mot, où elle aperçoit quelques germes de liberté, elle accourt pour les corrompre ou les étouffer. There is no possibility now, of re-esSi nous jugeons des projets du minis-tablishing personal slavery as it existed tère Polignac par les antécédens des in the good old times of the feudal syshommes dont il se compose, et par tem. If the restored aristocracy were to les révélations des journaux du minis- attempt to divide the population among tère anglais, nous pouvons savoir themselves, and reduce it to the condid'avance quelle est la transforma- tion of serfs attached to the soil, they tion que la charte est destinee à subir would be making an experiment of more entre leur mains. Les Français seront danger to themselves than to the counégaux devant la loi, quels que soient try. It is equally impossible to turn d'ailleurs leurs titres et leurs rangs; mais France into a single family estate, of la masse de la population sera frappée which the absolute disposal should be d'incapacité politique, et tous les pou- vested in a prince, upon condition of voirs publics appartiendront à l'aristo- his sharing the proceeds with the atcratie. Ils contribueront indistincte-tendants on his court. The re-estament, dans la proportion de leur fortune, blishment of the order of things which aux charges de l'état; mais les membres was founded by Louis the Fourteenth, de l'aristocratie reprendront, sous le would be just as impossible as that of nom de pensions ou d'appointemens, la the feudal state. There is a third sysportion qu'ils auront payée, et se parta- tem, which it would be much more geront le reste. Ils seront tous égale- practicable to put into execution than 'ment admissibles aux emplois civils et militaires; mais ils ne seront réellement admis que, sous le bon plaisir de l'aristocratie, et pour seconder ses desseins. Leur liberté individuelle leur sera garantie; personne ne pourra être arrêté ni poursuivi que dans les cas et selon les termes que l'aristocratie aura déterminés. Chacun professera sa religion avec une égale liberté et obtiendra pour son culte la même protection, et néanmoins nul ne pourra manifester une opinion qui serait contraire aux croyances de l'église romaine. Les Français auront le droit de publier et de fair imprimer leurs opinions, à charge par eux de ne rien dire de contraire aux intérêts de l'église et de l'aristocratie. Enfin, toutes les propriétés seront inviolables, et néanmoins l'aristocratie pourra les soumettre toutes à telles contributions qu'elle jugera convenables, et s'en attribuer ainsi les revenus. Telle est la charte que donnerait à la France le ministère Polignac, s'il parvenait à se former une majorité dans les "chambres, et à obtenir le consentement any of these. It is what England is offering us the model of, and M. de Polignac has just been trying to set in operation; namely, the system of making slaves and tools of all the working classes in a body by the higher orders, under constitutional forms and names. In this system, which the English Government understands prodigiously well, the power of making the laws belongs exclusively to the members of the aristocracy; public situations which are the road to honours and to fortune, fall to the share of nobody but those who are vested with the power of making the laws, their children, or relations ; and the people, which does the work, is the property in fee of those who have the management of public affairs. The English aristocracy displays great intelligence in the way in which it accomplishes its ends with the working classes. It leaves them all the means for the production of wealth; and every one of the individuals under its influence may choose the business by which he thinks he can get the most. All attempts on the security of individual property, which would, in fact, all sink into the ranks of equal shares. The eldest son therefore keeps to himself all the landed property, to which is attached the exercise of aristocratical power; and then he makes use of this power to get money for his younger brothers, at the expense of the working classes. It is a mistake to imagine that in England all the property of a family in the higher orders goes exclusively to the eldest son. It is true he takes the landed property, which is exclusively the family estate. But the younger brothers have for their share rich livings in the church, sinecures or places of some kind, which the public is obliged to pay for; and all these are considered as part of the family property, as much as the other. For there never can be too much pains taken to impress the fact, that the higher orders consider themselves as having a property, not only in the direct title, but in the working classes besides, on whom they lay taxes as they please, and share the proceeds among themselves. The English aristocracy allow a certain number of men from the ranks of the people to find their way into the two houses of Parliament: and it is for the The higher orders in Great Britain interest of its supremacy that it should (who must not be confounded with the be so. If the body that makes the laws English people, a people who are at consisted entirely of the persons for their mercy to take what toll they please) whose advantage the industrious portion will never allow the working classes in of the community is set to work, they any country to be their own masters, as might bring their power into. peril by long as they can do any thing to hinder demanding of the people more than it it. They know very well that their own was able to pay. The men from among power over the working classes in the the people who find their way into Par- countries under their control, will never liament, take care to let them know be out of danger of being disputed, till when they are running into any danger. the working classes in all other countries The opposition, in the machine of go-too, are made the property of a family or vernment, does the duty of the safety- of a caste. And hence it is that they valve in a steam-engine. It does not are found on all occasions making com-stop the motion; but it preserves the mon cause with barbarism against machine, by letting off in smoke the civilization. They take the part of Auspower that otherwise might blow it up. tria against Italy, Don Miguel against The exercise of aristocratical power Don Pedro, and the Turks against the being attached to the possession of Greeks. If they ever make a show of great landed property, it is easy to see declaring for the defenders of freedom, that younger brothers can have no share it is only to get hold of the direction of in the real estates which may be left by their affairs, and hand them over to their relatives at their decease. The their enemies. Any where, and every descendants of an aristocratic family where, in short, where they espy the seeds of any thing like liberty, they | French newspaper, of the 4th September, hurry off to spoil or smother them. If we judge of the plans of the Polignac ministry by the past proceedings of the individuals that compose it, and 1829. TO THE by what is let out by the papers in the READERS OF THE REGISTER. service of the English Ministry, it is easy to tell what kind of transformation My Friends, the Charter is intended to undergo in WHETHER the Duke be pleased to their hands. All Frenchmen will be read the foregoing French production or equal in point of law, whatever in other not, you will read it; and I beg you to respects their title or their rank; but consider it well. This is what the the great mass of the population will French nation thinks of us and our Gobe stricken with political incapacity, vernment. The world is not to be deand all public power will belong to the ceived any longer as to our situation, or aristocracy. They will all contribute the nature and tendency of our Governindiscriminately, in proportion to their ment. In the meanwhile, the French, property, to the expenses of the state; and all other nations, know that we are but the members of the aristocracy will impotent as long as these loads lie upon take back again, under the name of us; and they despise us accordingly. pensions or of salaries, the portion that How long shall we, then, keep our sithey have paid, and divide the rest lence while in this state of disgrace? among themselves besides. They will We ourselves deserve the disgrace if all be equally admissible by law to both we remain silent. The constitution and civil offices and military; but there will the law bid us complain, if we are be nobody really admitted, except at the aggrieved, and if we be silent, the Gogood pleasure of the aristocracy, and to vernment is not so much to blame for actserve its purposes. Personal liberty will ing as if it thought that we were suffering be guaranteed to every body; and no- nothing. Let every man reflect, and body will be seized or prosecuted but in particularly every farmer, merchant, the ways and terms the aristocracy has manufacturer, and trader, that, if he fixed upon. Every man will have equal complain not, the Government has a liberty to profess his religion, and re-right to presume that he is content. ceive the same protection for his forms We are all united in wishes for the hapof worship; only nobody must utter any piness and greatness of our country, and opinion that may be contrary to the for the stability of all its renowned intenets of the church of Rome. Every stitutions. Rich as well as poor are body in France will have a right to pub-united in this wish: why not unite in lish and print his thoughts; at his own praying for an adoption of the means risk, if he says any thing that is against the necessary to the fulfilment of the wish? interests of the church and the aristo-As long as the rich separate themselves cracy. To wind up all, property of all from the poor; as long as the farmer, the kinds will be quite secure; only the landowner (of whom there are many, byaristocracy will have the power of lay-the-by, who have neither mortgages, ing it under any contributions they think proper, and so applying it to their own nor share in the taxes), manufacturers, and traders, stand aloof, and erect a hostile crest, with regard to their tenants and workmen and labourers, so long we shall never see redress. Let every man do his duty, and then we shall see the table and the floor of the Parliament covered with petitions, from Sir Joh. such-an-one and his tenants; from farmer such-an-one and his labourers, and from such-an-one, a mas |