of such subsidies. In both cases, if the term of their payment should happen when the sea is innavigable. His Brit. Maj. engages, nevertheless, to continue their payment, according to the same rate theretofore, till the day of the return of the Swedish troops into Pomerania, which shall take place by the earliest opportunity.This separate artiThis separate article shall have the same force and validity if it were inserted, word for word, in the convention signed this day, and shall be ratified at the same time.-In faith of which, we, the undersigned, by virtue of our full powers, have signed the present separate art., and have caused the seal of our arms to be affixed thereto.-Done at Helsingborg, the 31st day of Aug. 1805.-Signed HENRY PIERREPONT. T. E. BARON DE TOLL. No. IV. (D)-Second separate Article of the Convention of Helsingborg, signed the 31st of Aug. 1805. The Hanoverian troops, which (in pursuance of the stipulations of the second and third art. of the secret and preliminary convention, of the 3d Dec. 1501, renewed by the seventh art. of the present convention), may be hereafter assembled in Swedish Pomerania, shall continue, as long as they remain in that province, under the supreme orders of the commander-in-chief of the united forces, without any violation of the rights established in the three above-mentioned articles.This separate art. shall have the same force and validity, as it were inseited, word for word, in the convention signed this day, and shall be ratified at the same time.In faith of which, we, the undersigned, hy virtue of our full powers, have signed the present separate art., and have caused the seal of our arms to be thereto affixed.-Done at Helsingborg, this 31st day of Aug. 1805.--Signed HENRY PIERREPONT.-T. E. BARON DE TOLL.. No. V.-Treaty between His Majesty and the King of Sweden, signed at Beekascog, 3d of Oct. 1805. a In the name of the Most Holy and Undivided Trinity!-His Maj. the King of the United Kingdom of G. Britain and Ireland, and His Maj. the King of Sweden, in pursuance of the ties of friendship and good understanding by which they are at present so happily united, desirous of establishing more direct communication upon every thing which relates to the present war, which the French govt. has excited against several powers, by measures equally unjust and offensive, and by conducting itself upon principles incompatible with the security and tranquillity of every independent state; their said Majesties have judged proper to concert together upon the means of opposing a sufficient barrier to the misfortunes which me nace the whole of Europe. In consequence, they have chosen and named for their plenipotentiaries, namely, His Maj. the King of the United Kingdom of G. Britain and Ireland, the Hon. Henry Pierrepont, his Envoy Extra, and Minister Plenip, to His Swedish Maj. and His Maj. the King of Sweden, the Sieur Christopher Baron de Toll, a lord of the kingdom of Sweden, Gov. Gen. of the Duchy of Scania, Gen. of Cavalry in his armies, Chief of the regiment of Carbineers of Scania, Knight and Commander of his Orders, and Knight of all the Russian Orders; who, after having communicated their respective full powers, have agreed upon the following articles :-ART. 1. There shall be a perfect understanding, friendship, and alliance between His Brit. Maj. and His Maj. the King of Sweden. ART. 2. The convention cour/nded between their said Majesties on the 31st of Aug. last, is hereby renewed, and shall remain in full force and ? validity, independent of the new stipulations contained in the present treaty.ART. 3. His Maj. the King of Sweden, desirous of co-operating with effect, towards the success of the general plan, engages to furnish a corps of troops, destined to act against the common enemy, in concert with the allies, and especially with the troops of His Im perial Maj. of all the Russias, which shall be landed in Pomerania. The number of Swedish troops employed for this purpose, shalł be fixed, in every case, at 12,000 men.—t Art. 4. His Brit. Maj. in order to facilitate to His Swedish Maj. the means of acting with vigour, and conformably to the senti ments of zeal and interest, by which he is animated for the common cause, engages to furnish him an annual subsidy, at the rate of twelve pounds ten shillings sterling for, every man; which subsidy shall be paid in equal proportions, at the end of each month. ART, 5. His Brit. Maj. moreover engages, as a compensation for the expenses of assem bling, equipping, and conveying the said. troops, to furnish, under the head of putting them in motion, a sura equal to five months subsidy, to be calculated according to the scale laid down in the preceding art. and, payable immediately after the ratification of the present treaty.-ART. 6. The two highcontracting parties engage not to lay down their arms, nor to conclude peace with the common enemy, but by mutual consent; but, on the contrary, to remain firmly and inseparably united, as long as the war lasts, and until the conclusion of a general pacification.-Anz. 7. In pursuance of the en gagements agreed upon between the two high contracting parties, by virtue of the preceding art, not to lay dowu their arms but by common consent, His Brit. Maj. engages to continue the subsidies stipulated by the present treaty, until the end of the war.ART. 9. His Brit. Maj. in order as well to cover the expenses of the return of the Swedish army, as of all other objects connected therewith, engages to continue the subsidies stipulated by the present treaty, until three months after the peace.-ART. 9. His Brit. Maj. impressed with the importance of putting the fortress of Stralsund in the best possible state of defence, engages to place, immediately after the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, at the disposal of His Swedish Maj. the additional sum of 50,000l. sterling for that purpose.-ART. 10. The present treaty shall be ratified by the two high contracting parties, and the ratifications thereof shall be exchanged in six weeks, or sooner, if possible.-In witness whereof, we, the undersigned, in virtue of our powers, have signed the present treaty, and have thereunto affixed the seals of our arms. Done at Beckascog, the 3d Oct. 1805, (was signed) HENRY PIERREPONT. J. C. BARON DE TOLL. PUBLIC PAPER. HANOVER.Proclamation issued at Berlin, on the 27th of January, 1806, relative to the Occupation of the Electorate of Ha nover. We, Frederick William, by the Grace of God, King of Prussia, &c. &c. hereby make known, &c. After the events which have terminated in peace between Austria and France, all our endeavours have been directed to ward off from these districts the flames of war, and its disastrous consequences, which momentarily threatened the north Germany, and particularly the countries of the Electorate of Brunswick. With this view, and as the only possible means to attain it, a convention has been made and concluded between Us and the Emperor of the French, in pursuance of which, the states of His Britannic Majesty in Germany, will not be again occupied by French or other troops combined with them; and, till the conclusion of a general peace, will be wholly occupied and governed by us; in pursuance of which, we have caused the Brunswick Electoral countries to be occupied by the corps under the command of our General of Cavalry, Count Vonder Schu and till the peace, we entrust the adminis tration of the said countries, in such manner that, through him, and the Commission of Government which he may think proper to appoint, all affairs relating to the Government of the country may be transacted, and the necessary orders thereto communicated to the interior Magistracy and Magistrates. -We therefore charge, as well those, as the Prelates, Nobles, Citizens, and all subjects and inhabitants of the said country, without exception, to conform themselves duly to these dispositions made for their welfare; and also to the commands of our before-mentioned Commissaries of Administration, and the Commission by them to be appointed, as well with regard to civil as military affairs; not only not throwing any impediment in the way of our troops which are to march in, but to assist and afford them all the information in their power; and in the high or more general affairs of the country, and also in propositions and petitions thereto relating, alone and only to address themselves to the before-mentioned Commissaries of Administration, as standing highest under our immediate orders.-As by this measure we have in view the repose and tranquillity of the North of Germany and of the Brunswick States, so we have resolved to pay out of our Treasury, for the necessaries for our troops, according to the peace establishment, and leaving the extraordinary expenses of a state of war to be defrayed by the country; while we, on the other hand, shall take care in general, that its revenues, during our administration, after deducting the expenses of Government, shall only be appropriated to its advantage.— We further promise, that our troops shall observe the strictest discipline; that attention shall be given to all just complaints; and, in general, that every quiet and peace. able inhabitant shall be maintained in his property and rights, and, in case of need, be vigorously protected: but that, on the contrary, those who may refuse to conform themselves to the dispositions concluded on, and the measures which may have been taken, or who may dare to counteract them in anywise, will have to reproach themselves for the rigid and disagreeable conse quences which will unavoidably result to them. Given under the signature of our own hand, at Berlin, the 27th January, 1806. (L. S.) FREDERIC WILLIAM. VON HARDEnberg. Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Bow Street, Covent Garden, where former Numbers may be had; sold also by J, Budd, Crown and Mitre, Pall-Mall. VOL. IX. No. 9.] LONDON, SATURDAY, MARCH 1, 1806. [PRICE 10D. "The pledge which he gave of his sincerity, as to matters of economy, in bestowing the Clerkship of "the Pells upon Colonel Barré, added new warmth to the general approbation. The praises of his "disinterestedness was sung alike by Lords and Commons. No circumspect hearer could, however, feel "the glow of approbation, when a lord of the bed chamber praised the ministers "noble and generous ""conduct, in rejecting the advice of the lord on the wool-sack, to take the Clerkship to himself as it This step, if we allow him the smal est perception of his own "" had so fairly tallen into his hands." "interest, was impossible. Had he grasped at the sinecure for his own emolument, or for the benefit of "his relations, degradation of character, if not total ruin of popularity, must have been the instant "consequence. Selfish craft, therefore, would suggest, that 3,000l. a year could, in no way, so well be "laid out as in buying an additional stock of popular favour, and that the pecuniary interests of the family “would thus be best consulted."-DR. BEDDOES's pamphlet, 1796. 289] SUMMARY OF POLITICS. The promise MR. PITT'S DEBTS. which I have given my readers to lay before them a true history of this gentleman's public conduct, of the arts that he made use of to obtain and prolong that influence and power, by which he finally reduced England to the wretched state, in which he left her, bas, I am glad to perceive, been received with a degree of satisfaction, which cannot fail to be a spur to application, but, which does, however, naturally excite a fear of producing disappointment. Upon one point, at any rate, they will not be disappointed; for, they may rest assured, that, that hypocrisy in some and that weakness in others, which would fain have us observe I know not what tenderness towards his memory, shall have no influence with me, but that, to use the words of an admired correspondent, I shall "speak of him no otherwise than if he were "still alive, or than if he had died an hun"dred years ago;" and, it seems perfectly safe to defy any one to show, that this line of conduct is not strictly consistent with moral At present I as well as political justice.-shall confine myself to the subject of the payment of his debts, by the people, and out of those taxes which are already weighing them down to the earth. And, here, the first argument, in favour of this measure, which presents itself for our examination, is, that which was grounded upon a supposed. admission of his disinterestedness; and this argument is the more worthy of notice from its having been, not without exciting s me degree of surprise, used both by Mr. Windhain and Mr. Fox. These gentlemen, whose only apology, I repeat it, must be sought for in magnanimity pushed to excess, must, one would think, have been able duly to estimate the real worth of those acts, or of that forbearance, whence they seem to have drawn their conclusions, as to the disinterestedness [290 of Mr. Pitt; and, I should like to have an Clerkship of the Pells the disinterested, the the public; and, of course, that the benefit will arise, from a certain retrenchment of, of prevention of addition to, the public expense. Admit this position; and deny it who will, for, then, the very ground of your argument slides from beneath you. admit this; next look at the pensions and grants of Mr. Pitt, concluding with the addition of 1,500 1. a year to the sinecure salary of Lord Melville, and the new grant to the Duke of Atholl; and then, with attitude erect, with eyes unblinking, and cheek unblushing, look at the people, weighed down under their accumulated burdens, and awaiting the enunciation of the budget as the helpless brood awaits the pouncing of the kite; thus look at them, and say that Mr. Pitt was a disinterested minister!- -There was, too, in the manner of paying the debts of Mr. Pitt something not less exceptionable than the principle, upon which the measure was attempted to be justified. Where were the parliamentary was in debt was matter of hearsay, of rumour; and, as far as appeared from the dis ple, the cajoled, the infatuated, the stupid people, who, when he rejected the 3,0001. a year for life, made the air ring with shouts of applause, are called upon to pay 40,0001. (I think that is the sum) to discharge his debts at his death! They are called on to pay, and, if any one amongst us hesitates he is loaded with the foulest reproaches; they are, good God! called upon to pay 40,0001. in money, as a debt due to that disinterestedness, which they have over and over again so dearly paid for in popularity! But, am I told, that the "heaven-born" subject of these remarks had no notion of ever putting the people to this expense; that he had no notion of the people ever being called upon to pay in money that which they had before so amply paid in applause of disinterestedness; here, however, is a dilemma, not easily gotten out of by the utmost powers of rhetorical ingenuity; for, if he did not entertain this notion, what shall we say of the moral honesty, which could in-grounds for the proceeding? That Mr. Pitt duce him to contract so large a debt without the prospect of an ability to pay; and which, daring the continuance of a pretty long ill-cussion, nothing more. Ought there not, ness, could suffer the hour of dissolution to arrive without having made any provision for payment?" He looked to his friends." May be so. But it must have been to friends rendered able to pay by his largesses; by his generosity; by his munificence; largesses, generosity, and munificence, all, yea, all, and every part and particle of them, at the expense of the people: and, therefore, from whatever source he expected, or could even in possibility expect, the payment to come, the choice of his defenders, upon this score, still lies, between sham disinterestedness and moral dishonesty, the former of which being, perhaps, the least reprehensible of the two, I chearfully own, that to that I attribute his conduct. Will J, then, not allow, that the foregoing of pecuniary emoluments to himself, when he has such emoluments within his reach, is any mark at all of disinterestedness in a minister? In itself it is a mark of disinterestedness; but, as in all other cases, the motives, as illustrated by the general tenour of his conduct, must be taken into the account; and, when we apply this standard to the motives of Mr. Pitt, is there, in the whole kingdom, and not within the circle of his own pensioned or job-fattened swarm, one man who will attempt to maintain, that he was disinterested? For a minister to merit the praise of disinterestedness, it will, I think, not be denied, that, in his abstaining from taking to himself pecuniary emoluments, he must act under the persuasion, that, by so abstaining, he is benefiting previous to the granting of, or the resolving But, let us entertain an unanimous hope, that this list will be furnished to those, who, in the language of DELOLME, "hold the pursestrings of the nation." This list will not content me, if it does not go into particulars. A bumping account of money borrowed, tradesmen's bills, servants' wages, and so forth, will fall short of the object in view: it will not satisfy the minds of those who feel that it is they who are to work for the payment. The name; nothing short of the name of each individual creditor, together with the precise sum due to him, and for what cause, either can be, or ought to be, regarded as sufficient; and, when we have these before us, we shall be able to judge of the past, and to consider how far this measure is proper to become a precedent for the future.After all, however, the great objection to this measure, is, the sanction which it gives, especially when supported upon such grounds by Mr. Windham and Mr. Fox, to the mischievous notion, that a minister, acting as Mr. Pitt acted, is to be regarded as a disinterested minister; for, in matters connected with the public money, men in general are by no means sufficiently refined in their reasoning to separate the minister from the man; which refinement would, moreover, be quite useless in the forming of their judgment, it being to the merits of the minister, and not to those of the man, that the money was granted. Here, then, refine and discriminate as long as you please, is a sanction given by Mr. Windham and Mr. Fox to the conduct of the heaven-born" minister; and, after the giving of this sanction, how are they, either in words or in action, to condemn his system of policy and of rule; which, nevertheless, they must condemn, and that, too, in the most unequivocal, the most decided, the most resolute, and the most effectual manner; or, it were as well, nay, far better, that they had never again entered the cabinet. That which is said cannot, indeed, be unsaid; but, let us hope, that in their future conduct with regard to the Pitt system, they will justify the apology, that I am, and that the nation will be, ready to make for them, of having been led astray by the weaknesses of the moment; by an over-stretch of magnanimity, by a too willing ear to compassion pleading in a shroud, by a too ready yielding to the reflection, that the only tongue whereby their criticisms could possibly be combated was never more to move. Of this apology the nation and the world will accept; but, if the principle upon which they ostensibly acted, be still acted upon, with regard to the system of Mr. Pitt, where shall be found the talents sufficient to provide them with an apology, that would not instantly become the subject of derision? Nay, it will not be enough to condemn that mischievous system in action: it must be condemned in words:" in specific, open, decided, and even in grave and solemn declaration. This must precede action. The people must have a promise, an engagement, that the sweat of their brow shall not be turned into poison for their lips: that the taxes raised upon them shall not be employed in the destroying of their liberties and in the degrading and disgracing of their country: this they must have, or, expect not from them that chearfulness, that readiness to bear calamity, that public-spirit and that loyalty, which the preservation of the independence of England now so impe riously demands. That the unanimous wish and intention of the present ministry is so to act as to restore to the nation the happiness, the liberties, the security and the honour, of which it has been robbed by the Pitt system, I have no doubt; nay, I feel, in common with a vast majority of the people, that such is their virtuous intention; but, I am anxious, in no common degree, that this intention should be made nianifest to the people, in such a way, that would leave no room for doubt, or for confidence half given, even in the most sceptical of men; what, then, ought to be our anxiety, that no expressions from the present ministers, that no word or act of theirs, however distant and indirect in its bearing, should tend to countenance that system, and therein to excite fears of its continuance! This anxiety, if the reader participates it with me, will sufficiently apologise for the length as well as earnestness of these remarks upon the acquiescence of Mr. Fox and Mr. Windham relative to the disinterestedness of Mr. Pitt; and, if he feels no anxiety upon the subject, all apology whatever must be useless, and therefore unnecessary. FATE OF THE FUNDS.As I regard this subject as being second to none in point of public importance, excepting solely that of forming a permanent military system, I shall make to apology for now entering upon that examination, which, in my last number, I stated it as my intention to enter upon, of the arguments advanced by A. Z. in opposition, not to the main principle whereon I proceeded in justification of my proposition for ceasing to pay the interest upon the na tional debt, but to my arguments in support of a distinction, in point of right, between funded and other property. But, in this stage of the controversy, it is necessary to revert a little, in order to come at the true |