discrimination and inequality. Long after the "white only" and "colored only" signs have been taken down, and other superficial symbols of racial discrimination and intolerance have disappeared, the basic facts of job discrimination, and I repeat, the basic facts of job discrimination and inequality, will still exist unless a nationwide program of equal employment opportunity is initiated to remove such barriers. I do not think this Congress can afford to conclude its deliberations of this session without doing something of a dramatic nature and have a prophylactic nature so that the Negro citizen, the American citizen of Negro ancestry, can have an equal opportunity in the full meaning of the word rather than in the law. In equality of opportunity in such fundamental activities of life as voting, earning a living, buying a home, and going to school, we cannot claim to have made the promises of American democracy a living reality. Just as we have begun to attack discrimination in voting and education, we cannot now delay the equally vital and difficult task of achieving equality in the realm of job and employment opportunities.

Why the urgency of this task? Let me state the facts as baldly and as bluntly as possible: The Negro American is the principal victim of a vastly complex system of self-perpetuating practices, traditions, and processes that has denied him true parity in the national job market. He has consistently and effectively been kept from participating fully in the job opportunities developed by the American free enterprise system. Not in every area is this the case, but in most areas it is the case.

PRESIDENT'S MANPOWER REPORT

The "Manpower Report of the President" transmitted to Congress in March 1963, forcefully demonstrated the plight of nonwhite workers in the job market that operates today and will operate tomorrow unless remedial action is undertaken soon. Since World War II this Nation has experienced a second industrial revolution, a revolution so far reaching in its impact that the very nature of the basic employment patterns in the United States have been changed permanently. By 1956, for example, more people were in service occupations than in goods-producing jobs for the first time in our history. Last year the number of persons producing goods had declined even further to only 42 percent. As a result of this trend there are today almost 10 million more white collar workers than there were 15 years ago. But there are also 600,000 fewer production jobs. Today, there are only 5 million farmers engaged in producing food and fiber for 185 million Americans; just 15 years ago the number exceeded 8 million. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent that a table showing these changes in the distribution of employment be printed at this point in my remarks.

Senator CLARK. Without objection, it will be done. (The table referred to follows:)

NOTE.-Individual items may not add to totals because of rounding.
Source: Manpower Report of the President, March 1963.

Senator HUMPHREY. While these changes were occurring within the past 15 years while our total work force was increasing by 10 million-our population was growing at an even more rapid rate. While the work force increased by 17 percent, the available work force expanded by 21 percent. Consequently the unemployment rate slowly but persistently advanced until today there are 5 million unemployed compared to little more than 2.5 million in 1947. Failure to maintain an adequate rate of economic growth which has been the subject of discussions of this committee and others, has been another major factor contributing to the rising unemployment, and I call to your attention the morning's press of the New York Times on the financial page this morning, the statement of Dr. Heller of the sluggishness even now of the growth rate in this economy.

The impact of these vest changes on race relations cannot be underestimated. Internal changes in the nature of the job market, stimulated by the technological revolution and steadily increasing unemployment has had far more disastrous consequences for the minority of nonwhite citizens than the white majority. The simple truth is that the Negro worker in relation to his white counterpart has been either falling behind or barely staying even as a result of these developments. For instance, the Negro has fared badly in obtaining his share of the 10 million new white-collar jobs that have been created. Apart from Government jobs, Negroes continue to be either largely excluded due to overt discrimination or are inadequately trained and prepared for

such white-collar occupations. In sales, for example, 1 in every 6 white workers is employed as a salesman as compared to 1 in every 64 Negroes. By 1970 jobs in sales will have increased by another million. There is little evidence to suggest that the percentage of Negroes employed as salesmen will increase significantly. While 1 in every 3 employed white women are clericals, only 1 in every 9 Negro women are so employed. Clerical jobs are projected to increase by 3 million by 1970, and unless something is done in terms of job discrimination elimination and retraining and education, the pattern of Negro employment in this area is going to continue to be tragically weak.

Although production jobs were declining, as I said, by 600,000 during the past 15 years, the number of nonproduction workers was increasing by almost 2 million. And once again Negro workers were falling behind, not gaining. One in every eight white workers is a professional-technical worker as compared to 1 in every 20 Negro workers. One in every seven whites works as a manager as compared to 1 in every 40 Negroes. Jobs in the categories are projected to increase by another 3 million in the next 7 years. Production jobs which provided such impressive economic gains for Negro workers during and after World War II unfortunately have turned out to be the very jobs which have been declining during the past decade.

Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent that a table showing percentage distribution of employed persons be printed at this point in your record.

Senator CLARK. Without objection, that will be done. (The table referred to follows:)

TABLE B.-Employed persons, by occupational group and color, 1948 and 1962

Senator HUMPHREY. Hurrying along here--the consequences of this growing disparity between the employment opportunities of white and Negro workers may be seen in its most negative light in the unemployment figures contained in the Manpower Report, and I am sure you have more recent figures. In 1962 the rate of unemployment for white workers averaged 4.9 percent; for nonwhite it averaged 11 percent. In every major category-color, age, sex, and occupational groups-the unemployment rate for nonwhite exceeded that for white workers; sometimes it was three times as great. Mr. Chairman, again I ask unanimous consent that a table showing comparative unemployment rates by color, age, sex, and major occupational groups for 1962 be printed at this point in my remarks. Senator CLARK. Without objection, that will be done. (The table referred to follows:)

TABLE C.—Unemployment rates, by color, age, sex, and by selected major occupational group, 1962

Source: Manpower Report of the President, March 1963.

Senator CLARK. The Secretary has put in this morning, I think, nine charts, which cover substantially the same realm, but I think it would be useful to have your remarks.

Senator HUMPHREY. Mr. Chairman, I have attempted to demonstrate with these figures the challenge that confronts us. I am going to skip along, this whole testimony will be printed in the record in its entirety.

I just emphasize that we must also evaluate the present state of affairs in lights of Federal and State action to eliminate job discrimination and inequality. In 1941 President Franklin Roosevelt, as our President, issued Executive Order 8802 banning employment discrimination in war contracts and defense programs; subsequently a Fair Employment Practice Committee was established to implement this policy. New York enacted the first State fair employment practice commission law in 1947. I might add in the same year the city of Minneapolis issued the first fair employment practice ordinances in the United States. Interestingly enough the present Secretary of Agriculture was my attorney at the time, as a young attorney out of law school and he did the drafting of the ordinance. It has been a workable instrument, I don't say it has produced miracles but it has been

Senator CLARK. Senator, you were then the mayor of Minneapolis? Senator HUMPHREY. Yes, sir.

Senator RANDOLPH. I wanted to add I knew Senator Humphrey in 1947 when he was the mayor of Minneapolis. I visited with him on many occasions during his tenure of office.

Senator HUMPHREY. I sure recall that.

Senator RANDOLPH. What he said here today is certainly an indication of his earlier and continuing interest at all levels of government in this challenging problem.

Senator JAVITS. Mr. Chairman, there has never been any question about Senator Humphrey's initiative and capability for seeing a situation which needed attention very promptly.

Senator CLARK. Many of us remember certain action he took in Philadelphia in 1948. [Laughter.]

Senator HUMPHREY. Might I add at this point, Mr. Chairman, that I recall that occasion very well, and I recall coming to the Congress after it, and I often felt at that time that I was like a social or political leper, because the reception was not exactly what I would call the most hospitable and friendly. But I find the year 1963 to be considerably different. It just so happens that in this year those who stand for and fight for and work for this expanded program and this long overdue program of civil rights are not only socially acceptable but find themselves quite well received even in the better circles of the community of Washington, D.C. I put "better" in quotes. Senator CLARK. Off the record.

(Discussion off the record.)

Senator CLARK. On the record.

Senator HUMPHREY. As of July 1962, 20 States had enacted enforcible fair employment practices laws covering 60 percent of the U.S. population and 40 percent of the Negro population. I mention this because so frequently people say that this type of legislation is unusual, unprecedented, radical, far reaching. The truth is that a large number of States already have it and as is indicated, 60 percent of the U.S. population is covered.

Now, we have President Kennedy's Executive Order 10925, issued on March 6, 1961, establishing the President's Committee on Equal Employment Opportunity with broad authority and responsibility to eliminate discrimination in Federal employment and Governmentconnected work. The order has been recently broadened to include all employment activities supported by Federal grants-in-aid as well as contracts. Under the leadership of the distinguished and able Vice President of the United States, Lyndon B. Johnson, the President's Committee has done a thorough and comprehensive job in meeting the challenge of eliminating discrimination and promoting equal employment opportunity. The President has now requested full statutory authority for the Committee in his omnibus civil rights bill. And I hope that will be granted and whatever the fate of this bill or other FEP legislation, I believe it essential to move ahead in establishing the President's Committee by congressional action. This Senator has always maintained that in such areas of critical national importance you should make whatever progress you can whenever you can. A statutory commission as opposed to a President's Committee is a defi