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ment to incorporate into its legal system the necessary legal apparatus to insure the protection of the civil rights of our citizens.

I believe it has been pointed out to your committee, Mr. Chairman, that education is not enough and that we do require protection in the area of employment, and our group would emphasize the fact that we require an integrated approach to the problem of discrimination, that we cannot look to any one area, whether it is education of public accommodations or what have you, that this is an integrated approach which is called for and certainly employment, giving a man a job, and giving him the means to support his family and to live with a sense of dignity is very crucial to the success of this entire program and to providing our citizens with the kind of protection which they should have.

All of our religious groups at one time or another have formulated policies to this effect. We are now developing programs and have for some time now been developing programs within our churches and synagogues to be certain that we do not commit this offense and this affront to human dignity in areas of synagogues and chureli life which involve employment.

Therefore, Mr. Chairman, we hope that this committee will report favorably on the proposals for guaranteeing full and fair employment, without regard to race, color, religion, or national origin, and that this committee will formulate an approach to this problem which will guarantee the widest possible coverage to ban discrimination in all areas involving employment relationships and the activity of employment.

We hope also that Congress will enact them into legislation as a necessary step in the process of securing for all people the opportunity to exercise the rights guaranteed by the Constitution of the United States.

In conclusion, we would stress the urgency of legislative action now. It is both a moral and legal principle that once it is demonstrated that basic rights are being violated, the situation should be remedied at once and that the Government should accept and employers should accept the affirmative responsibility to create conditions of employment which do not in any way reflect discriminatory practices.

Therefore, we would urge upon this committee and upon our legislative bodies that they adopt the kinds of laws which will guarantee the broadest possible protection to all who may be subject to discrimination.

We are now in the midst of a social revolution, it is our prayer that this will remain a social revolution, and not degenerate into civil chaos. But let us not underestimate the demand for justice regardless of color, race, or national origin, what is right both in terms of basic morality and in terms of our democratic ideals must be granted without delay.

The time is past for tokenism or demands for endless patience; we must move firmly, rapidly, and courageously toward goals which our consciences assure us are right and necessary. We can do no less for God and for country.

Senator CLARK. Thank you very much, Rabbi Blank, and Father Cronin, would you care to add anything?

Father CRONIN. I would like to note the point, Senator, that in many of our churches and other religious institutions, we are seriously considering having our own fair employment clauses. Our construction sometimes runs into hundreds of millions and billions of dollars collectively, and our thought is to try to abolish discrimination in a supplier, contractor, or any other person who is dealing with church or synagogue institutions. We are working on this point very strongly at this moment.

Senator CLARK. Thank you, sir.
Dr. Blake, would you care to add something?

Dr. BLAKE. Just a word to underline our belief that this is an integrated problem, that all of the things that Rabbi Blank mentioned are a part of solving this very real crisis in race relations, and to say that it seems to me the part of it that is before this committee is one of the most fundamental of the long-range part of the solution, and although we are doing many other kinds of things we certainly would want to urge you to do everything you can to lay the groundwork for the economic stability of this Negro race.

Senator CLARK. Thank you very much, sir.

I think this united front by the religious forces represented by you three gentlemen is bound to have an important impact on the thinking of the subcommittee and I would hope of the Congress.

Personally, I agree and I suspect a very large majority of the subcommittee agrees, that this is a moral issue and that this aspect of the problem needs constant stress. All too frequently we get involved in an obtuse discussion of constitutional law, whereas in fact the basic problem as you gentlemen have said, is moral.

Senator Burdick.

Senator BURDICK. Mr. Chairman, I would like to join in what you have to say and compliment the gentlemen. I believe the testimony offered here this morning is strong, forceful.

Thank you.

Senator CLARK. Rabbi, would you look at the list of endorsing organizations which appears in your appendix and comment on to what extent, if you recall, these groups are national in their organization. I am particularly interested to see to what extent there is participation from the Southern States in these endorsing organizations.

Perhaps it would be easier if, first, Dr. Blake spoke of the Protestant denominations, then Father Cronin commented on the situation in the Catholic.

Dr. BLAKE. It happens my own church is relatively weak in the southeastern part of the United States, but the National Council of Churches, which I am officially representing, has churches strongly in all of the States, the Methodist Church would be the largest membership in the South, but it is not very much larger than the great Negro denominations. You have two large Negro denominations, Baptist, and three large Negro denominations of Methodists, all of which are members of the National Council of Churches.

Sometimes people forget that these Negro denominations have been from the beginning members of the National Council of Churches and therefore we have attempted, as members, to serve their particular interest as well as the general interest.

Senator CLARK. I was more interested in the extent to which largely white Protestant congregations were participating in this endorsement, particularly those in the southern part of the country.

Dr. BLAKE. These are most of us have made very good statements on almost all of these subjects, even those that are somewhat regional. The Presbyterian Church of the United States, the so-called southern Presbyterian Church, has on the record very fine statements on the question. The problem of putting them into effect is difficult everywhere, as you know, sir. We cannot look down our nose in any place, but it is more difficult in the South, because of certain pressures from the community at large and I think all of the churches are struggling with bringing their practice into harmony with the positions they have taken, the positions are ahead of the practice.

Senator CLARK. But you would say, would you not, that these endorsing denominations and religious organizations do encompass a number of congregations whose churches are located in the South, whose membership is largely white?

Dr. BLAKE. That is correct.

Senator Clark. I note with some concern, being Unitarian, that my denomination is not represented here, and I wonder if that is because they did not ask to come in, because I think they are rather loyalheartedly behind this cause, or perhaps you have had some doubt as to whether they would qualify as a religious organization. [Laughter.]

Dr. BLAKE. I am sure there would be an explanation other than the last one you have offered, sir.

Senator CLARK. I think I will have to get after them and see if we cannot get some kind of statement.

Father Cronin.

Father Cronin. We are not strongly represented in the South, except in the city of New Orleans and that area. But people do support it. May I mention that we had an institute in Miami last spring, in which † participated, covering about 10 Southern States, and we found great enthusiasm for a program of integration.

Senator Clark. You certainly have carried, have been in the forefront in New Orleans, I know.

Father CRONIN. We have done our best.

Rabbi BLANK. All of our groups are national organizations and do have congregations throughout the Nation, in all areas of the country.

Senator Clark. Tell me, Rabbi, this is a question borne of ignorance, I am afraid, your religious faith and your practices are such that you would not ordinarily have Negro members in your synagogue or temples; is this not correct?

Rabbi BLANK. Well, I think the question is to what extent we would welcome Negroes into our congregations and the same religious requirements of instruction and profession of faith would be applied to any applicant for membership in a Jewish congregation, without any kind of discrimination.

Senator CLARK. Are there any Negro members of the Jewish faith!

Rabbi BLANK. Yes, there are, I would say, though the numbers certainly are not as large as any of the other two religious communities.

Senator CLARK. Thank you, gentlemen, very much.
Senator Pell, do you have any questions?
Senator PELL. No questions.

Senator CLARK. Thank you, gentlemen. I appreciate your willingness to cooperate with the subcommittee. It will not be necessary for you to return, will it?

Rabbi BLANK. No, sir.
Senator CLARK. Thank you.

At this point I will place in the record the statements of Samuel E. Levering, of the Five Years Meeting of Friends, and Andrew Fowler, of the Washington Bureau of the National Fraternal Council of Churches.

(The statements are as follows:) PREPARED STATEMENT OF SAMUEL R. LEVERING, CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD, CHRISTIAN SOCIAL CONCERNS, THE FIVE YEARS MEETING OF FRIENDS, RICHMOND, IND.

Gentlemen, the Five Years Meeting of Friends hereby associates itself with the testimony for the National Council of Churches, the National Catholic Welfare Conference and the Synagogue Council of America, to be presented to Congress in their behalf.

We support the objectives of this testimony, since we recognize that this critical moral issue must be met by effective concrete action, now.

We wish, however, to register our uneasiness about the broad extension of Federal action. This is not because we disapprove its use in this critical situation, but because this may set a precedent, which if not carefully watched could lead to undue extension of Federal authority and centralization of power on other issues.

On behalf of the Five Years Meeting of Friends.

PREPARED STATEMENT OF ANDREW FOWLER, DIRECTOR, WASHINGTON BUREAU OF

THE NATIONAL FRATERNAL COUNCIL OF CHURCHES, U.S.A., INC. Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, through the years a cruel wrong has been perpetrated upon Negroes in labor. In too many instances, Negroes have been turned down simply because they were Negroes. The National Fraternal Council of Churches, representing more than 8 million members, urges this committee to report S. 773 as a minimum step forward.

Senator CLARK. The subcommittee will stand in recess until 10 o'clock tomorrow morning.

I would like also to announce that beginning tomorrow morning the subcommittee will enforce the rule which it has adopted that each witness will be required to summarize his testimony in no more than 10 minutes in order to give the members of the subcommittee ample opportunity for examining the witnesses and also to enable us to get through with the rather rigorous schedule we have set ourselves to get through with this testimony in due course.

(Whereupon, at 12 noon the subcommittee recessed to reconvene at 10 a.m., Friday, July 26, 1963.)

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