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had set her on fire. By this time the others got up with us, and we filled the train in the magazine, ready to blow the ship up, if any of them boarded. We made sure of being taken; but, as God would have it, we got so close to the fifty gun ship's stern, and we fired as fast as we could, until we silenced the guns; and, taking to the small arms, we killed most of their men,-for they could not make any sail to get away. The frigate had now got her fore-topsail yard up, and came up to us, as she sailed better than we did: so we were obliged to engage her once more; but

we

soon disabled her, by carrying away her fore-topmast half down. We then had the small ones to keep off; but as soon as they saw that the two large ships were disabled, they made sail from us, which we were very glad of, as it was half past eleven at night, and we had seventeen killed and nine wounded; and all our sails and rigging torn to pieces, our force being only twenty-two guns. If there had been another of the same force with us we should have taken the whole of them. Having got clear of them, we began to wish ourselves clear of the cruise, and ship.

June 16.-We steered for Sarpanta, to get repaired.

June 20. The captain went on shore, and got plenty of people to help us; and we were ready for sea by the 24th.

June 24.-At four o'clock in the morning sailed for the island of Cyprus, and in the afternoon fell in with a Turkish vessel, loaded with honey, oil, and cotton; from which we took all the prisoners, and sent her to Leghorn.

June 25.-We put the prisoners to death; and in the afternoon took a large Turkish ship, loaded with cotton, hemp, and three jars of honey, besides ready money. We put thirteen hands on-board her, but took the prisoners out, and sent the prize to Leghorn.

June 26.-At ten o'clock we put the prisoners to death.

June 27.-The captain ordered that the prisoners in future should be put to death in the head, as there was such dirty decks with them always. In the

afternoon we took a small vessel, laden with nuts; which we sunk, people and all together. We then steered for Jaffa to get water, for we had very little on-board.

June 28.-We got in, and sent the tender and long-boat, with sixty armed men, on shore, to fill water; but we had only twelve butts filled, when we saw above 2000 Turks and Moors coming down on horseback towards us; and we were obliged to haul the tender close in shore to cover our men. Before we got it all on-board, we had three men killed; but how many of the Turks we could not tell, as we could see a great number of their horses fall by the shot from our tender. As soon as we got the water stowed, and the ship clear, we made weigh, and steered for Alexandria.

June 29.-We saw five sail a-head to which we gave chace, and soon came up with them. We took two; the other three got on-shore. One of them was a good prize, loaded with cotton and silk, besides a great deal of money; the other was loaded with rice and coffee; but, as we could not spare any hands to send them to Leghorn or Malta, we took the best of every thing out of them, and sunk them, people and all together. In the afternoon we spoke a Ragusa polacca, which told us there were seven sail of Algerine xebecs cruizing in the Arches.

June 30.-We sailed for the Nile, as it was the best way to keep from the Algerines, and a good place to cruize in. At night we took a small vessel, laden with wine and soap; and, taking some of the wine out of her, sunk the vessel and people together.

July 1-At the Nile we went in, and made three large ships and two small ones our prize, without the least defence; but, before we could board them, almost all the people jumped overboard, and swam on-shore. These vessels were loading with coffee and rice for Constantinople. We loaded the two largest with what was in the others, and sent them to Leghorn, which made us short hands; as, all together, we now were but seventyfive.

July 2.-After manning the two prizes, we sailed for Cerigo, to get more hands: we burnt the ships we did not take. At four o'clock in the afternoon we took two good prizes, that came from Scandaroon, bound to Rhodes, with honey, hemp, and oil. We took what we wanted out of them, and sunk them, prisoners and all together.

July 3.-We took a large ship, loaded with sheep and cattle, Turkish property, but Greek sailors, who entered on-board us. We then took what we wanted out of the prize, and sunk her.

July 4.-We got into Cerigo, and that same day we got our water onboard, and thirty men next morning.

July 6.-At nine o'clock in the morning we sailed with a fair wind for Caramania; saw a large ship to leeward, to which we gave chace, and at six o'clock came up with her. She proved to be a Turkish ship from Alexandria to Constantinople, laden with coffee, rice, and hemp; she had twenty-one guns and 200 Turks on-board : she engaged us two hours and an half, -then struck: having twenty-three killed, and nineteen wounded. We had five killed and thirteen wounded. We took the prisoners on-board us, and sent fourteen hands on-board the prize and sent her to Malta.

July 7-We put the prisoners to death at six o'clock in the morning.

July 9.-We took a small galley which the Turks had sent out as a spy after us she had eighty men and small arms on-board. We put all the Turks to death, except one man, whom we put on-shore on account of his telling us where the Turkish fleet lay. He told us there were three sail of the line, and five frigates, besides a great many xebecs, at the island of Rhodes, waiting for the Russians to go up the Arches to get behind them.

July 10. We bore up for Syracuse, in Sicily, to try if we could get any consort before we should cruize again.

July 13.-In the afternoon got into Syracuse, where there were three Russian privateers ready for sea,-one of eighteen, and two of twenty gims each.

July 14.-We got in our water and provisions, with every thing ready for sea.

July 15-Early in the morning there came into harbour two privateers from Trieste, and at six o'clock there came three privateers from Leghorn, which made us nine sail. The least of us mounted sixteen guns, and the Commodore thirty-four; and now We thought ourselves able to attack even the Turkish fleet, although they had three sail of the line, and five frigates, besides a number of smaller vessels.

July 17. We all sailed together for the island of Malta.

July 18. We fell in with the two Maltese frigates, and they went up with us, in hopes of meeting with the Turkish fleet. We cruized off the island of Rhodes for five days, but they never offered to come out. In the mean time, one of the Malta frigates went into the harbour's mouth, and fired at them lying at anchor; but they would not come out.

July 25.-We went round the southwest part of the island, where we sent all our boats on shore, armed, for stock, but they got only a few goats.

July 26.-We all parted company, seeing that the Turkish fleet would not come out to fight us; some for the Barbary shore, some for the coast of Syria, and our ship for the coast of the Morea.

July 28. At six in the morning we saw a large ship close in under the land; after which we made sail, thinking she was a Turkish frigate. We got every thing ready for engaging her, and at ten o'clock we came alongside of her, but she proved to be a French frigate. He told us he was looking out for a pirate, that had done much mischief on that coast.

July 29.-We spoke a Venetian ship, that had been chaced into Cerigo by the same pirate.

July 30.-We made the island of Cerigo, and cruized off there for three days, and saw no vessel of any kind which our captain said was from fear of this pirate: there was no vessel on the coast.

August 3.-We saw a large ship close in the west side of the island,

which we steered for; but, to our misfortune, found it to be the very pirate which the French frigate was looking after. She engaged us from ten o'clock in the morning until half past three in the afternoon, and then she hauled down her colours, after having fifty-four killed and forty-three wounded: she mounted thirty-two guns, nine and six pounders, with a complement of 378 men, but they were all of different nations, which created much confusion during the action. At six o'clock in the afternoon we took all the prisoners on-board, and confined them in the hold.

Aug. 4.-In the morning our captain called all the prisoners on deck, and examined them; when they confessed they had taken a great many vessels of all nations, killed all the people, and sunk the vessels after taking every thing out of them worth taking; on which our captain told them they should all be put to the cruellest death that could be invented; and he was as good as his word.

Aug. 5.-We got whips on the mainstay, and made one leg fast to the whip, and the other to a ring-bolt in the deck; and so quartered them, and hove them overboard. As for the wounded, we put them to death after the ship had struck.

Aug. 6. We washed the ship fore and aft (above and below), which it stood in much need of, after so much carnage on-board; what with our own men killed and wounded, and putting the prisoners to death.

Aug. 6.-We went into the island of

Zante, where we sent all our wounded men to the hospital, and got every thing ready for sea again.

Aug. 7.-An order came from the Russian consul at Trieste for us to come up there, and join Commodore William Colonour's squadron.

Aug. 8.-In the afternoon we got under weigh, and steered for Trieste with a fair wind.

Aug. 11.-We spoke the Ambuscade English frigate, Captain O'Hara, who came from Leghorn, and was bound to Smyrna.

Aug. 14.-After riding fifteen days quarantine, we got pratique, when the ship was ordered into the Mole, to be repaired as quick as possible. In the mean time, the Englishmen that were on-board got their discharge, their wages and their share of plunder besides, which came to 950 dollars a man; and I was on-board only from the first of December, 1788, to the 6th of September, 1789.

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(Mon. Mag.)

SONNET, ON SEEING A BEAUTIFUL INFANT DEAD.

Can this be death? Can this be that fell pow'r
Which robs the world of beauty and of bliss?

It looks like slumber's softest, calmest hour,
And may the infant never wake from this?

Alas! its lips are pale,-no gentle breathi
Escapes from them, like Summer's mildest sigh;
No throbbing pulse is there: it must be death!
But who shall tell us what it is to die?
All that we know of life is like a dream,-

A dream that ends when death's dark hour is givin
But death we know not; only that we deem,—
In holy hope,-it leads the soul to Heav'n!
Farewell, sweet babe! thou wert an angel here,
Now thou art a seraph in a higher sphere.

LETTER FROM ITALY.

(Blackwood's Mag.)

"I ask'd of Time, from whom those temples rose, That prostrate by his hand in silence lie. His lips disdain'd the mystery to disclose, And, borne on swifter wing, he hurried by !'These broken columns whose? I ask'd of Fame: (Her kindling breath gives life to work sublime,) With downcast looks of mingled grief and shame, She heav'd th' uncertain sigh, and follow'd Time. Wrapt in amazement, o'er the mouldering pile, I saw Oblivion pass, with giant stride;

And whilst his visage wore pride's scornful smile, 'Haply thou knowest, then tell me whose,' I cried, 'Whose these vast domes that even in ruin shine?' 'I reck not whose,' he said; they now are mine!' "

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THE beauty of a Magazine is, that it thrusts knowledge into a man's face, and makes him wise whether he will or not. There are many hundred books, containing descriptions of Rome, to get at which the will is first to be exerted, and then the pocket; whence it is that a great many persons, who would give their eyes almost to see the Roman ruins, never take the trouble to look for them in books, or even in the prints of Piranesi. But what is a bore in quarto, is agreeable in the columns of a favourite Journal. Besides, most writers on the subject have undertaken to guide, more than to describe, and so demand the presence of their readers on the spot, instead of attempting to give an idea of the scene, to the many who must necessarily be ever absent. To these many, prints should be the most satisfactory source of information; yet, certainly, he that never looked at Piranesi, has a much truer idea of the remains of ancient Rome, than he who has pored over that artist's lying engravings. Piranesi first sketches the arch or column, and then puts a speck of a man at its foot, in order to indicate the height of the ruin. How much, in this way, his dimensions are to be relied on, may be judged from his print of the Arch of Severus, in the Velabrum, to pass under which a man must stoop, while in Piranesi, the arch (if it can be called one) would measure twenty times the height of the pigmies at its base. With the exception of the Coloseum, the chief thing that astonishes a foreigner in Rome, is the pettiness and crowdedness of its ruins, and the narrow scale on which everything was built.

ANON.

You read a catalogue of three or four hundred edifices in Nardini, and are told that they were all in the Forum. Now, the Roman Forum contained, about the length, and about half the breadth of one of our London squares; so that even without allowing any room or open space for their popular assemblies, it is difficult to find ground-room for so many buildings. Time, however, has left us the means of judging:

there is a pretty little round building on the banks of the Tiber, about the size of a watch-box, although surrounded by Corinthian columns; this was the temple of Vesta. The pretended temple of Romulus is not larger; while that over the Clitumnus you might put in your pocket. The famous Mamertino prison, which Sallust describes in such pompous language, is a square building of a few feet. There are the remains of three temples on the declivity of the Capitol, evidently distinct, that might be all enclosed within the area of a modern church of inferior dimensions. Through the triumphal arches more than one cart could not pass at a time.

"The difficulty of squeezing the twenty elephants and the four stags a breast of Aurelian's car, into the space between the arch of Severus and the supposed Temple of Concord, was not likely to be surmounted by any discoveries of the soil." So far from being surmounted, that the real Temple of Concord, or at least some temple or other, has been found to have stood so near the arch of Severus, that two clephants a-breast could not have passed. Most of the description of the Latin

writers, in fact, were on a scale of huge exaggeration; which, however, falling on the ears of the all-rich and all-powerful emperors, certainly produced immense fabrics, of which the Coloseum remains a stupendous example. But as to others, the brick-baths of Dioclesian and Caracalla, what are they more than a modern street in ruins, save that they were built one by the lord of many slaves, and this by the united purses of many freemen. To read in the poets of the declining empire, descriptions of the temple of the Capitoline Jupiter, and its inferior fanes, what an immense idea must we form! But there is the whole site, propped as it is by substructions, not more than sufficient for a modern church. There are some unaccountable contradictions in the taste of the old Romans-it was at once petty and colossal; the former was the natural, the latter superinduced by the overgrown power of the emperors, and their consequent craving for excite ment, which found vent in cutting off heads, and placing one stone upon another.

"Another enemy to the beautiful, and even to the sublime, was that cólossal taste which arose in the empire, and gave an unnatural expansion to all the works of art. In architecture it produced Nero's golden house and Adrian's villa; in hydraulics, it projected the Claudian emissary, and Caligula's Baian bridge; in sculpture, it has left at the Capitol such heads and feet as betray the emperor's contempt for the dimensions of man; in poetry, swelled out into the hyperboles of Lucan and Statius. This exaggerated spirit spread even to the games. Nero drove ten horses yoked a-breast to his car, and double that number appears on an ancient stone."-FORSYTH.

This colossal taste was confined to the publicly visible, and to out-of-doors. The internal arrangement even of palaces was on a narrow scale; and, except the public rooms of the baths, there is scarce an apartment of respectable size. At Tivoli, in Hadrian's villa, of so many miles in extent, it is but the enclosed courts and gardens that filled up the space; the library, the rooms of the philosophers, &c. &c. so

gorgeously described, are still to be seen in ruins, and were originally of narrow dimensions. At Pompeii, the bed-room of the Proconsul Pansa is ten feet by twelve. Their taste in decorations was the same; the figures of stucco and painting are all diminutive. In the narrow and lofty rooms excavated under the baths of Titus, belonging to that emperor, to Mæcenas, or whom you will, but certainly to a possessor of rank, the roof is thirty-three Roman feet in height, yet the painted ornanaments are too small even for a closet or a cabinet. The figures never exceed half a foot in length, and the painted frame-work around contains all the colours of the rainbow in the space of an inch. This could not have been the case with the Grecians, if what we read about Zeuxis and others, has the least shadow of truth. In respect of the arts, the Romans were most likely to the Grecians what the Flemings, and indeed we ourselves, at present are to the Italians, and endeavoured to excel in minuteness those whom they could not rival on a grand scale.

But to the Forum-whither if we would proceed from the modern city, we first mount the Capitoline Hill or Campidaglio, by an inclined plane or stepless stair of Michael Angelo's formation. This is adorned at bottom by basalt lions, of Egyptian manufacture, which, in obedience to the villainous taste that converts the king of animals into a water-spout, squirt each its little stream. The top of the stair is adorned with ancient statues of Castor and Pollux, with their steeds; and in the same line with them are arranged the supposed trophies of Marius after his Cimbrian victories, old statues of Constantine, and the first milestone of the Appian way in the time of Vespasian. The summit of the ascent introduces you into the modern square of the Campidaglio, three sides of which are surrounded by public buildings, after the designs of Michael Angelo, elegant enough in themselves, but very unworthy of their position. In the midst stands the famous bronze statue of Marcus Aurelius on horseback, the only equestrian statue left of ancient Rome. The classic reader is aware that the

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