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sprung up, grasp'd my arm, snatch'd her head upon her bosom, murmur'd the fatal picture, gaz'd wistfully upon her lover's name, and breath'd her it-"Hark!" said she; then reclining last. AN OLD SAILOR.

IT

RACINE.

THE MISCELLANY.
(Mon. Nov.)

T was from Euripides that Racine learned the art of moving the passions and, whatever gifts nature may have bestowed on the French nation,they have always been in need of models to form themselves by: for he who is always obliged to draw all from himself, never produces any thing great. The works of the ancients were familiar to the good writers of the age of Louis the Fourteenth ; and it was by imitating the former that the latter became their equals.

LA HARPE.

This Frenchman had much learning and ingenuity, but I must object altogether to his want of candour. His hatred to England extended to English literature, which he vilified and traduced; pretending that our language was so poor, that the conditional tense cannot be expressed without a periphrase. It is certain that, with the assistance of those simple, significant, easy signs, might, could, would, and should, every complex variation of the Greek or Latin tense may be expressed. La Harpe undertook to criticise our English poets; what a mean and miserable work he made of it, may be gathered from the way in which he prints his extracts:

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ry one who successfully cultivates them. The savage eats his food and falls asleep; the man of mere wealth does little more: but to those who seek pleasure in cultivating a taste for the fine arts, the pleasures of sense will appear but subordinate, Previous to the institution of the Royal Academy, we had no native artists of celebrity either in painting or sculpture,-Hogarth alone excepted. No sooner, however, was royal patronage extended to the fine arts, than a general feeling in their favour pervaded the kingdom, and the impulse thus given produced great exertions. The Royal Academy is not without its enemies, and some abuses may exist in the institution. Favouritism in accepting and disposing of the pictures is known to have been manifested. These are blemishes that should be remedied; but, taking into consideration the advantages which the institution offers to young artists, and the love of the arts which it has generated, and continues to preserve, we must be severe censors not to be to its faults a little blind.

JOHN ADAMS, EX-PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. Mr. John Adams is mentioned in the Memoirs of Mr. Hollis, by Archdeacon Blackburne, as a man likely to act a great part, should a war ensue.

Mr. Adams came over to England, as minister-plenipotentiary from the United States of America, immediately after the ratification of the treaty of independence. As he, or rather his lady, had concerts and musical parties at his house, several of the friends of liberty, and I believe Mrs. Macauley among the rest, predicted but little good from luxurious enjoyments of this kind, which savoured rather of monarchical habits. But the ambassador, notwithstanding this, possessed republican habits, and on all occasions

evinced a certain simplicity of conduct and behaviour. As a proof of this, while in town he frequented the shop of a bookseller in Piccadilly almost daily; and was anxious to converse with the literary men who were accustomed to repair thither. He was also very anxious to keep up a familiar intercourse with all those who had supported the American cause. This led to an intimacy with Mr. Brand Hollis; and both he and Mrs. Adams paid visits to that gentleman, while residing at his seat at the Hyde, near Ingatestone, in Essex.

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I know not whether Atheism has made great progress in England; and perhaps, &c.

At this moment, there is a greater fermentation throughout Europe upon the subject of government, than was perhaps Holland, and Flanders are alive to it. Is ever known at any former period. France, government a science, or not? Are there any principles on which it is founded? rule or standard, all must be ascribed to What are its ends? If, indeed, there is no chance. If there is a standard, what is it? It is easier to make a people discontented with a bad government, than to teach them how to establish and maintain a good one, A curious anecdote appears recorded without a people; and by a people, I Liberty can never be created and preserved in a loose memorandum, penned by his host, and discovered among his papers by his heir and executor, the late Dr. Dinsey, which shall be here transcribed, without either comment or remark. “I wish you, sir, to believe, (said the king to Mr. Adams, at his first visit,) and that it may be understood in America, that I have done nothing in the late contest but what I thought myself indispensably bound to do, by the duty I owed my people. I will be very frank with you, sir I was the last to consent to the separation being made, but, that having been inevitable, I have already said, and I say now, that I will be the last to disturb the independence of the United States, or in any way infringe their rights.

Mr. Adams's conduct, during his mission to Europe, and indeed during the whole contest, was so much approved of by his countrymen, that they voted to him, in succession, the highest honours which a free state can bestow on a

patriot citizen. The following very
able, but extraordinary, letter, was
transmitted by him to Mr. Brand Hol-
lis, while on his way to America with
his wife.

Fountain Inn, Portsmouth,
April 5, 1788.

was any

My dear Sir,-If there ever philosophic solitude, your two friends have found it in this place; where they have been wind-bound a whole week, without a creature to speak to. Our whole business, pleasure, and amusement, has been reading Necker's "Religious opinions," Hayley's "Old Maids," and Cumberland's fourth "Observer." Our whole stock is now exhausted; and, if the ship should not arrive

mean a complete people, in contradistinction from the gentlemen: and a people can never be created and preserved without an executive authority on one hand, separated entirely fron the body of the gentlemen. The two ladies, Aristocratia and Democratia, will eternally pull caps, until one or other is victorious. If the first is and debase her rival into the most deplorathe conqueror, she never fails to depress ble servitude. If the last conquers, she eternally surrenders herself into the arms of a ravisher.

of the common people, and the prejudices Kings, therefore, are the natural allies against them are by no means favourable to liberty. Kings, and the common people, have both an enemy in the gentlemen; other, against them, or both will be deand they must unite, in some degree or stroyed; the one dethroned, and the other enslaved. The common people, too, are unable to defend themselves against their own ally the king, without another ally in sably necessary, that the gentlemen in a the gentlemen. It is, therefore, indispenbody, or by representative, should be an independent and essential branch of the constitution. By a king, I mean a single person, possessed of the whole executive

power.

You have often said to me, that it is dif ficult to preserve the balance. This is true it is diffult to preserve liberty. But there can be no liberty without some balance; and it is certainly easier to preserve a balance of three branches than of two. If the people cannot preserve a balance of three branches, how is it possible for them to preserve one of two only? If the people of England find it difficult to preserve their balance at present, how would they do if they had the election of a King and a House of Lords to make once a-year, or once in seven years, as well as of a House of Commons? It seems evident, at first blush, that periodical elections of the King and Peers in England, in addition to the Commons, would produce agitations that might destroy all order and safety, as well

as liberty. The gentlemen, too, can never
defend themselves against a brave and unit-
ed common people, but by an alliance with
a king; nor against a king, without an al-
liance with the common people. It is the
insatiability of human passions that is the
foundation of all government. Men are
not only ambitious, but their ambition is
unbounded; they are not only avaricious,
but their avarice is insatiable. The desires
of kings, gentlemen, and common people,
all increase, instead of being satisfied, with
indulgence. This fact being allowed, it
will follow, that it is necessary to place
checks upon them all.
I am, &c.
Thomas B.Hollis, esq.

JOHN ADAMS. Here follow some passages from another,addressed to the same gentleman: I wish I could write romances. True histories of my wanderings, and waiting for ships and winds, at Ferrol and Corunna, in Spain; at Nantes, L'Orient, and Brest, in France; at Helvoet, the Island of Goree, and Over Hackee, in Holland; and at Harwich, Portsmouth, and the Isle of Wight, in England; would make very entertaining romances in the hands of a good writer.

It is very true, as you say, that "royal despots endeavour to prevent the science of government from being studied." But it is equally true, that aristocratical despots, and democratical despots too, endeavour to retard the study with equal success. The aristocracies in Holland, Poland, Venice, Bern, &c. are inexorable to the freedom of enquiry in religion, but especially in politics, as the monarchies of France, Spain, Prussia, or Russia. It is in mixed governments only that political toleration subsists; and in Needham's "Excellencies of a Free State, or right Constitution," the majority would be equally intolerant. Every unbalanced power is intolerant.

P.S.—Mrs. Adams and I have been to visit Carisbroke Castle, once the prison of the booby Charles. "At what moment did Cromwell become ambitious?" is a question I have heard asked in England. I answer, before he was born. He was ambitious every moment of his life. He was a canting dog: I hate him for his hypocrisy ; but I think he had more sense than his friends. He saw the necessity of three

branches, as I suspect. If he did, he was perfectly right in wishing to be a king. I do not agree with those who impute to him the whole blame of an unconditional restoration. They were the most responsible for it who obstinately insisted on the abolition of monarchy. If they would

have concurred in a rational reform of the

Constitution, Cromwell would have joined

them.

The following letter was addressed to the same correspondent, after he had crossed the Atlantic, and re-visited the country that had given him birth.

Braintree, near Boston, Dec. 3, 1788. My dear Friend,-If I had been told, at my first arrival, that five months would pass before I should write a line to Mr. Brand Hollis, I should not have believed it. I found, my estate, in consequence of a total neglect and inattention on my part for fourteen years, was falling into decay, and in so much disorder, as to require my whole attention to repair it. I have a great mind to essay a description of it. It is not large, in the first place: it is but the farm of a patriot. But there are in it two or three spots from whence are to be seen some of the most beautiful prospects in the world. I wish that the Hyde was with in ten miles, or that Mr. Brand Hollis would come and build a Hyde near us. I have a fine meadow, that I would christian by the name of Hollis Mead, if it were not too small. The hill where I now live is worthy to be called Hollis-hill; but, as only a small part of the top belongs to me, it is doubtful whether it would succeed. There is a fine brook runs through a meadow by my house; shall I call it Hollisbrook?

What shall I say to you of public affairs? The increase of population is wonderful. The plenty of provisions of all kinds amaz ing; and cheap in proportion to their abun dance, and the scarcity of money, which certainly is very great.

The elections for the new government have been determined very well, hitherto, in general. You may have the curiosity to ask what your friend is to have? I really am at a loss to guess. The proba bility, at present, seems to be, that I shall have no lot in it. I am in the habit of bal ancing every thing: in one scale is vanity, Can you doubt in the other comfort. which will preponderate? In public life, I have found nothing but the former; in private life, I have enjoyed much of the latter.

I regret the loss of the booksellers' shops, and the society of the few men of letters that I knew in London. In all oth er respects, I am happier, and better ac commodated here.

In 1789, Mr. Adams was elected vice-president; soon after which, he wrote a letter to Mr. B. Hollis, dated "Boston, October 28, 1789," in which he states that

This town has been wholly employed in civilities to the President for some days, and greater demonstrations of confidence and affection (adds he) are not, cannot be, given, in your quarter of the globe to their adored crowned heads. My country has assigned to me a station, which requires constant attention and painful labour; but provided my health can be preserved in I shall go through it with cheerfulness, There is a satisfaction in living with our be

loved chief, and so many of our venerable patriots, that no other country, and no other office in this country, could afford me. What is your opinion of the struggle in France Will it terminate happily? Will they be able to form a constitution? You know that, in my political creed, the word liberty is not the thing; nor is resentment, revenge, and rage, a constitution, nor the means of obtaining one. Revolution, perhaps, can never be effected without them; but men should always be careful to distinguish an unfortunate concomitant of the means from the means themselves, and especially not to mistake the means for the end.

In his next, dated New York, June 1, 1790, he observes,

I am situated on the majestic banks of the Hudson,-in comparison with which your Thames is but a rivulet,—and surrounded by all the beauties and sublimities of nature. Never did I live on so delight ful a spot. I would give-what would I not give, to see you here?

Your library, and your cabiuets of elegant and costly curiosities, would be an addition to such a situation, which would in this country attract the curiosity of all. In Europe they are lost to the crowd. Come over, and purchase a paradise here; and be the delight and admiration of a new world. Marry one of our fine girls, and leave a family to do honour to human nature, when you can no longer do it in person. Franklin is no more; and we have lately trembled for Washington. Thank God, he is recovered from a dangerous sickness, and is likely now to continue many years. His life is of vast importance

to us.

Is there any probability of England's being able to carry off her distempers? I wish her well and prosperous, but I wish she would adopt the old maxim, " live and

let live."

Will there be a complete revolution in Europe, both in religion and government? Where will the foremost passions and principles lead, and in what will they end? In more freedom and humanity, I am clear; but when, or how?

I am, &c.

In his next letter, dated from New York, only ten days after, he returns to the consideration of this subject :

The great revolution in France is wonderful, but not supernatural. The hand of Providence is in it, I doubt not; working, however, by natural and ordinary means, such as produced the reformation in religion in the sixteenth century. That all men have one common nature, is a

principle which will now universally prevail; and equal rights, and equal duties will, in a just sense, I hope be inferred from it. But equal ranks and equal property never can be inferred from it, any

more than equal understanding, agility, vigor, or beauty.

I am delighted with Dr. Price's sermon on patriotism. But there is a sentiment or two which I should explain a little. He guards his hearers or readers, very judi ciously, against the extremes of adulation and contempt. "The former is the extreme (he says,) to which mankind in general have been very prone."

The generality of rulers have treated men as your English horse-jockies treat their horses,-convinced them first that they were their masters, and next that they were their friends; at least, they have pretended to do so. Mankind have,

been rude, wild, and mad, until they were I agree behaved too much like horses,mastered; and then been too tame, gentle, and dull.

I think our friend should have stated it thus-The great and perpetual distinction in civilized societies has been between the rich,—who are few; and the poor,— who are many. When the many are masters, they are too unruly; and then the few are too tame, and afraid to speak out the truth. The few have most art and

union, and therefore have generally prevailed in the end. The inference of wisdom from these premises is, that neither the rich or the poor should ever be suffered to be masters. They should have equal power to defend themselves; and, that their power may be always equal, there should be an independent mediator between them,--always ready, always able, and always interested, to assist the weakest. Equal laws can never be made or maintained without this balance. You see, I still hold fast my scales, and weigh every thing in them. The French must finally become my disciples, or rather the or they will have no disciples of Zeno; equal laws, no personal liberty, no property, no lives.

In this country the pendulum has vibrated.

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France has severe trials to endure from the same cause. Both have found, or will find, that to place property at the mercy of a majority who have no property, is-commillere agnum lupo. My fundamental maxim of government is-never trust the lamb to the custody of the wolf.

Towards the latter end of Novem

her, 1790, Mr. Adams, together with all his family, removed to Back-hill, near Philadelphia; except his son, John-Quincy, who was bred to the bar, and at that time practised as a counsellor at Boston. In a short letter to Mr. B. Hollis, immediately bethus:fore his departure, he expresses himself

This country, too, is as happy as it deserves to be. A perfect calm and contentment reigns in every part. The new gov

ernment enjoys as much of the confidence of the people as it ought to enjoy; and has undoubtedly greatly promoted their free dom, prosperity, and happiness.

We are very anxious for the cause of liberty in France, but are apprehensive that their constitution cannot preserve their union. Yet we presume not to judge for them, when will be the proper time, and what the method of introducing the only adequate remedy against competitions. You know what I mean,

Mrs. Adams, also, was the occasional correspondent of the subject of this memoir; and a few passages from one of her letters, dated New York, Sept. 6, 1790, shall here be transcribed.

My dear Sir,-If my heart had not done you more justice than my pen, I would disown it. I place the hours spent at the Hyde among some of the most pleasurable of my days, and I esteem your friendship as one of the most valuable acquisitions that I made in your country,-a country that I should most sincerely rejoice to visit again, if I could do it without crossing the

ocean.

I have a situation here, which for natural beauty may vie with the most delicious spot I ever saw. It is a mile and a half distant from the city of New York. The house is situated upon an eminence; at an agree able distance flows the Hudson, bearing upon her bosom the fruitful productions of the adjacent country. On my right hand are fields, beautifully variegated with grass and grain to a great extent, like the valley of Honiton, in Devonshire. Upon my left, the city opens to view, intercepted here and there by a rising ground, and an ancient oak. In front, beyond the Hudson, the Jersey shores present an exuberance of

rich well-cultivated soil. The venerable

oaks, and broken ground covered with wild shrubs, which surround me, give a natural beauty to the spot, which is truly enchanting. A lovely variety of birds serenade me morning and evening, rejoicing in their liberty and scarcity; for I have as much as possible prohibited the grounds from invasion; and sometimes almost wished for game-laws, when my orders have not been sufficiently regarded. The partridge, the wood-cock, and the pigeon, are too great temptations to the sportsman to withstand. How greatly would it contribute to my happiness to welcome here my much es teemed friend. It is true we have a large portion of the blue-and-gold, of which you used to remind me, when you thought me an Egyptian; but, however I might hanker after the good things of America, I have been sufficiently taught to value and esteem other countries besides my own.

Mrs. Adams's maiden name Abigail,

Twice married, I believe.

You were pleased to inform us, that your adopted family flourished in your soil; mine has received an addition. Mrs. Smith, Mr. Adams's daughter, and the wife of Colonel W. Smith, respecting the name of the great literary benefactor of her native state, and, in grateful remembrance of the friendly attention and patriotic character of his present successor, has named ber new-born son, Thomas-Hollis.

Our government acquires confidence, strength, and stability, daily. Peace is in our borders, and plenty in our dwellings; we earnestly pray that the kindling flames of war, which appear to be bursting out in Europe, may by no means be extended to this rising nation. We enjoy freedom in as great a latitude as is consistent with our security and happiness. God grant that we may rightly estimate our blessings.

Pray remember me in an affectionate manner to Dr. Price and Mrs. Jebb; and be assured, my dear sir, that I am, with every sentiment of love and esteem, Yours, &c.

ABIGAIL ADAMS.

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Our cruel mode of taking honey by destroying the innocent and beautiful insects that produce it, can no longer be defended by the plea of necessity. A late traveller in the northern part of India describes the following easy method by which the honey-gatherers there effect their purpose. A hollow tree, or an earthen pot, is built in the wall of a house, or out-house, with apertures externally; through which the bees enter and go out. The internal end of this hive can be opened or shut at pleasure by various simple contrivances; a sliding door is one. the hive is full, and the honey is to be taken, a great noise is made at the inner extremity. This drives the bees out; the valve is then closed, and the honey is taken out by the sliding-door. The superior part of our readers will doubtless take a pleasure in communicating this easy mode of avoiding cruelty to those whom the information might not otherwise reach.

When

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