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the Song, it is no greater than could be claimed for fifty other conjunctures in which the same great idea has found repeated realization. The mutual love of Christ and his Church, with the weaknesses and errors of the latter, and the temporary withdrawments and forgiving grace of the former, is not confined to one epoch, nor to one train of circumstances. There may be periods in which it is specially conspicuous; but it is more or less clearly evidenced in every part of the Church's history, and in all the Lord's dealings with her.

We are not so much surprised that this scheme has been proposed, as that it has been proposed by Hengstenberg. Its prominent features are in direct opposition to what we have heretofore conceived to be his leanings and tendencies; and the palpable objections to it are just the reverse of those which we might have been prepared by his former expositions to anticipate. He has often been subjected to the charge of finding too little, but never before, so far as we are aware, has he been guilty of finding too much in the Old Testament about the literal Israel. He has been charged with too great fondness for idealising the utterances of inspiration; but he certainly has not been prone to err on the side of their too specific application.

It will not be possible at the close of this article, already sufficiently extended, to characterise in detail the English and American expositions before us. Nor is it necessary that we should. It belongs to the excellencies of both these works that they present few points for the critic's attention. There is no attempt in them to build up new theories, no straining after novelty, but a simple effort to bring out the spiritual meaning wrapped up in this beautiful allegory, for the instruction and edification of the people of God. In turning to these from the volumes that have hitherto engaged our attention, one feels himself to be in an entirely different atmosphere, and is sensible of a complete change in the tone and spirit of all by which he is surrounded. The theoretical has been exchanged for the practical; the exercise of the intellect for the devotion of the heart. We are now in the domain of religious feeling. We are no longer spectators of rare feats of interpretation, but gaze upon the patient toil of those who would open up rich veins of pious thought. It is the very marrow of the soul's life which is exposed to view in these volumes. They lead us into the inmost recesses of the renewed heart, and bid us look upon its longings after communion with the Saviour, its delight in him and in his service, its distress under the hidings of his face, its joy at his return. The idea upon which they are founded is, that what is in the Song of Solomon said of the love of Christ and his Church, may be

applied in each measure to each true member of that Church. They have drawn from it consequently the ideal of the intercourse maintained between the individual soul and Christ. While there may be a tendency in this to mysticism, and some of the figures may be unduly pressed to extract from them an appropriate Christian sense, there is spread over these pages much rich instruction, upon which pious souls will feed with profit and delight. A valuable additional feature of Professor Burrowes's exposition is the pains taken to elucidate the imagery of the sacred poet by abundant, perhaps too abundant illustrations from oriental manners, and parallels from the ehoicest works of profane literature. We hope that his book may contribute not a little to a fuller understanding and a more extended devotional use of this part of holy Scripture, which, however it has been undervalued and even decried in some quarters, was the special favourite of an Edwards and a M'Cheyne.

ART. II. Das Akademische Leben des Siebzehnten Jahrhunderts, mit besonderer Beziehung auf die protestantisch-theologischen Fakultäten Deutschlands, nach handschriftlichen Quellen. Von A. THOLUCK. Halle, 1853. 8vo, pp. 327.

WE could not readily name a recent work more likely to be received with avidity than this, if it were put into English dress. It is prepared almost wholly from sources existing in the manuscripts of university archives. Far from intending to give an abridgment or abstract, we shall content ourselves with culling some of the more striking facts, believing that we shall thus satisfy the rational curiosity of learned readers. And in doing this, we shall freely adopt the language of the learned and excellent author.

The work treats of university life in the seventeenth century, and especially in the German States; but the writer very often goes back to the days of the Reformation, and even to the middle ages. The university corporation-which derives its name from the universitas studiosorum, magistrorum, and not scientiarum, as many suppose-had its centre of power in its rector. From the very origin, the rector was invested with a sort of princely dignity. After the close of the fifteenth century, he bore the title of Magnificence. Mencke remarks, that in 1715 the city soldiers of Leipsic presented arms at the rector's approach. Where the prince was not rector, there was a prorector, who discharged the duties; this may be compared with

the chancellor and vice-chancellor of Oxford and Cambridge. When the rector appeared in public, with purple robe, golden chain, and sceptre, it was only the prince and bishop, and not always the latter, who took precedence of him.

Next in order to the rector was the chancellor. The origin of the office was accidental, from the fact that in Paris the cathedral chancellor was also superintendent of the highschool.

It was evident, however, that the grand attraction of the university was its teachers. These had certain distinguished privileges. One was that of jurisdiction; and this not merely in academical, but in civil and criminal matters, and over the professors and their families, as well as over the students. They had rights, also, in regard to appointments. The rule was, that a professor should be nominated by the faculty of arts, and confirmed by the government. There were, however, exceptions in favour of the prince or state. Instructors were exempt from tax, tribute, billeting of troops, and the like. In some countries professors sat with the clergy in the statesgeneral. To a great extent, they possessed the right of censure in regard to publications.

At a very early date, the rank of professors among themselves was fixed by law. The theological faculty stood first. When they were unanimous, their decision on theological questions was final. Next to the divines came the jurists. Until the peace of Westphalia, all chancellors and privy councillors were taken from their number. The philosophical or artistic faculty ranked lowest. Many feuds arose about the standing of doctors in certain higher faculties over professors of a lower order.

The distribution of professors into ordinary and extraordinary is well known in Germany, and had its beginning very early, being found at Königsberg in 1545. Extraordinary professors had no stipend from the regular sources. Their relation to the faculty varied in different places. Next came the adjuncts, who, in Königsberg, stood above the extraor dinaries, from whom they were chosen. To these must be added the Magistri legentes of the philosophical faculty, who needed no authority but the express consent of the university. In the middle ages, as soon as any one rose Master, he began to teach others. This explains the formula of collation, still common among us. These might be likened to the English tutor, and the modern German privatdocent. Special teaching privileges were often conferred on such masters as were eminent for their attainments.

The essential part of the professor's work was always the public lecture. Adam Osiander, in 1677, had five classes daily

at Tubingen, and the great Voetius had eight. Deutschmann and Weickhmann at Wittenberg, and Hebenstreit at Jena, in 1696, lectured from six to eleven, and from three to six o'clock, each una serie, daily. It is said, but hardly credited, that Löscher read to thirteen classes in a day. These were exempt cases; the average may be set down at two private and four public exercises weekly. To these were added acts, or disputations, at which the professor held the chair. Theological professors were often also ecclesiastical counsellors and canonical judges. They were likewise called to be superintendents and visitors of gymnasia and other schools. The study-labours of some were extreme and wearing. Luther and Calvin suffered from numerous diseases; Gerhard continually complains of the delicacy of his health; many suffered from the malum hypochondriacum, often doubtless identical with our dyspepsia, and from the stone. Amusements were few, but interruptions were many, from christenings, weddings, and the like, which were formal and time-consuming. Every travelling Master called on every professor of note, often staying for hours. Twice a-day, it is a rare thing with German professors now,-they attended church on Sunday; where, as Gerhard's funeral eulogy declares, this good man was never seen to go to sleep ;" and once a-week there was an additional service. Till the close of the century the hospitable usage obtained of entertaining learned visitors. When Crusius celebrated his eightieth birthday, in 1606, at Tübingen, he invited his colleagues to good cheer at the Golden Sheep. There were, however, not a few, who, as Stolterfoht of Lubeck says of himself, began their day at three in the morning, or who, like Dilherr, inscribed on the study door, "Sta, hospes, nec pulsa, nec turba, nisi major vis cogat!"

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These pages contain new and valuable matter concerning the sustentation of professors. In early times, as in the first universities of Italy, the provision was very irregular, and chiefly from fees. But if we regard the small number of hearers, the emolument for lecturers was considerable-cases being known, in the thirteenth century, of from three hundred to four hundred and fifty dollars of our money for a single lecture. After the Reformation, most professors in theology, law, and medicine, had some other employments, which in part sustained them. The stipend of German professors was small. In Wittenberg, the professor of poetry, in 1536, had eighty gulden (each of twenty-one good groschen); and in 1728 the whole income of a professor of philosophy was about two hundred and fifty rix-dollars. In 1556 the highest theologians at Wittenberg received two hundred gold gulden. In 1662, Meisner, at the same place, had five hundred florins. The receipts of Calixtus, at Helmstadt, in 1637, were five hun

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dred rix-dollars, of Horneius four hundred. In Strasburg, there were theological chairs in 1622 which brought fifteen hundred florins. But the poor literati had many expenses. The houses of professors were proverbially prolific, and Fiebiger wrote a book, De Polyteknia Eruditorum. Hülsemann of Leipsick had ten children; Meisner, who died at fortythree, as many; Martini, fifteen; Calovius, thirteen; Mayer, thirteen; Micrälius, fifteen; Walther, fourteen; and Winkelmann, eighteen. For the supply of necessities many of these learned men had donations and perquisites, which supplemented their slender salaries. All collations of degrees brought something in. Solemn opinions on controverted questions, when demanded, were followed by an honorarium. Dedications of books to great men were means of invoking golden showers, greater or smaller. The first volume of Gerhard's Loci, inscribed to Oxenstierna, brought him fifty ducats; for the fifth, dedicated to the Hanse towns, he received twenty-nine gulden. For a dedication to Gotha, he had two Hungarian ducats, and from Leipsick a gilt pitcher. Calixtus, in the same way, obtained from Duke Frederick Ulrich a hundred rix-dollars; Pfeiffer, for his Dubia Vexata, four hundred rix-dollars from George III.; Jacobäus, a hundred ducats from the elector of Brandenburg. Whether authorship, properly so called, was lucrative in many cases, remains doubtful. Professors, moreover, took boarders into their families, and thus eked out their support. Boarding was one rix-dollar a week, and lodging eight rix-dollars a half year. Theological teachers often had, besides, their churches or lectureships. On a view of the whole matter, therefore, the instructors of that day may be considered to have been at least as well off as their successors in

our own.

The great subject of university lectures must not be omitted. These were called lectiones, not because they were always wholly read, but because their basis was a text-book, which was read; hence textum legere and lectionem habere were convertible phrases. The object of the lecture was to prepare students for the examination for degrees. Accordingly, we find decrees forbidding professors to lengthen out their course beyond the ordinary term. Public lectures were in the collegium; private lectures intra privatos parietes. In 1575, the collegial buildings of Aldorf comprised five professors' houses, the libraries, the auditoriums, the anatomical theatre, the convent-hall, the alumneum, the laboratories, the observatory, the œconomia, the lodge of proctors, and the prison. The average of lectures daily read by any one is in this part of the book set down by Tholuck at three. The ordinary professor was held to four lectures in a week. Saturday was disputation

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