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the intellect itself, a scheme of moral relations prompting to proper and vigorous exercise, and presenting aims not to end in this life, is ennobling. Without the consciousness of high duty to ourselves and others, learning must serve but as an instrument of self-aggrandizement; and ambition widely variant in its ends, supersede the beautiful harmony of purpose which regulates educated mind conscious of moral obligation. This is not a beautiful hypothesis. The problem has been solved again and again in the world's history. Civil polity, letters, science, have all had their day without the guidance of a high moral purpose; and invariably the passions have prevailed over the intellect, except the mind with right aims has directed those passions to a scheme of morality that forbade their exercise.

But how shall the Dignity of Learning be best maintained in the field opening before us to-day? In answer to this my second inquiry, I propose, without rhetorical exactness, to apply the propositions just asserted to the sphere of learning in America. And in so doing, I shall address you not as the actors in the scene of to-day, but as instruments of power in the coming generation; and what might otherwise appear extravagant, can, I think, be scarcely so considered in anticipating a state of society to which we are to address our energies, and which can but be the result of causes now in active operation.

The Dignity of American Learning must rest in a great measure on its restraint and modification of public sentiment. Affluence will never give it factitious distinction; rank will never elevate it; and it will only be in its fearless assaults upon error that its true elevation of character will be exhibited. Learning has no apology for loss of character; and until its own legitimate aim-the pursuit and defense of truth, is abandoned for the easier honor of humiliating concession

to popular error, it will ever find its true dignity in conducting aright public sentiment in America. Learning supposes in its possessor such an appreciation of truth, as that it shall be able to detect ordinary errors, and when the capability is neglected, its dignity is forever forfeited, as well as the dignity of individual character; for he who will not respect his learning, will never be respected for his learning.

Public opinion in America needs the constant, efficient, renovating action of Learning, in view of her Political institutions. The too popular prejudice of the present day, that government when reduced to the honesty of republican principles, is a science of little moment, and a machine as well adapted to the popular hand for its guidance, as to the popular voice for its impetus, is equally groundless and dangerous. High attainment is no more essential to the well ordering of aristocratic institutions than the administration of popular rights. Indeed, the maxims of ages supply a state-book to monarchical powers, which to a representative system is wanting. A great nation governing itself, was an enigma which the legislators of the past never read; and the boast of British statesmen only fifty years ago declared, that "for a people to choose their own governors, to cashier them for misconduct, to frame a government of their own-was an unheard of bill of rights, and such as the body of the people of England utterly disclaimed."* Yet how true has become that bitter irony of his" it is a theory pickled in the preserving juices. of pulpit eloquence and laid by for future use." And it has come to that use with a success and a triumph, that Burke with all his learning, and preternatural sagacity never for a moment anticipated. But it needs the direction of learning. There was a time, indeed, when the extension of our territory was limited, and high morality and stern principles pre

* Reflections on the French Revolution.

errors.

cluded in some measure the necessity of learning. But in the present aspect of affairs, when the defensive armor of morality is so far rusted and worn down, the pointed weapons of truth must be directed against open and prevailing errors of political opinion. And ignorance is fast extending such The leaven of the past has lost its quickening power; and the body of men who will soon control our country, will be they who know not truth. It is madness to shut our eyes to the fact that millions of American children are without the means of correct information, even through the common school system, and will imbibe their notions of our political fabric, and its management, and their own share in its administration, from the errors of ignorance and deceit, except learning so regulate public opinion, as to make it the vehicle of sound and healthy political views. Millions too of depraved foreigners, as we learn within a month past, are swelling with an unparalleled ratio the throng that people the western valley, and yet the people govern! Democrat is becoming the bye-word for political distinction; and he who dares to speak in disrespect of the Democracy is a libeller of his country's fame. But while I yet stand within this sacred nursery of Truth, I dare to say, and say proudly too, that our government is not a democracy. The representative system is the glory of our institutions;-a system which, while it designates our legislators as the instruments of power, marks them out none the less surely as the men possessed of that intellectual ability which can control the functions of a great government. And it is the submission of the people to the wisdom of their superiors, that constitutes the grand conservative principle of our institutions; and the bare fact that such submission is voluntary, constitutes our freedom. And when our country does become a democracy; when the people place their automatons over them; when they take cognizance of their sectional partialities by their own voice; when the majority govern by their own wisdom, then, and not till then,

shall we realize and typify the "fierce democratie" of Athens. If then, learning does not now in view of such errors, maintain its own dignity, and take a proud and independent stand, where will it be, when the congregated thousands of ignorant visionaries shall by their sacred voice rule the nation, and the poverty of wisdom and of eloquence shall mock us in her council halls? It is by no means too much to say, that educated mind is far from holding to itself in our country that independence and firmness of which as the guardian of truth it should be proud. It is yielding too much to the bias of popular sentiment; nor dares resist manfully the sweep of public opinion. Mind educated in America amid the jar of worldly hopes and anxieties, which from national peculiarities are made to throng upon it early, is too prone to lose sight of its old teacher Truth, and bow at a Dagon of meretricious beauty. Instead of guiding sentiment by the force of a truth-seeking mind, learning too often waits the flow of opinion, and passes undisturbed down its lulling tides ;-not from scorn of what the truth may be, but from greater love of public regard; and as it stoops to popular caprice, it must, like Galileo, rise with a whispered condemnation of the act. It is no less lamentable than true, that popularity is the great ground of eminence in America.

There must always be, in a republican government, those who, with ambitious views, unguided by correct principle, will seek places of influence by every possible means; nor is it too much to say, that such are often successful. Springing as they do, in the majority of instances, from the humbler ranks of life, they enlist all the sympathies of their companions in station-ever jealous of the attainment superior advantages bestow, and the friend of the people becomes their ruler. Educated mind, sickening at the triumph of ignorance and untruth, lives in retirement, or gradually relinquishes the

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principles of honorable and truthful emolument which learning had grafted on the mind, and prostitutes its energies to the basest of purposes. How shall these growing errors be met, but by an independence on the part of educated mind, that shall diffuse an organic vitality through the whole order of political opinion?

But, again, the tendency of our political institutions is to create a spirit of Self-sufficiency, that ridicules the attainments of learning. And that first principle of our Constitution, which recognizes human equality, though it may be the fundamental axiom of political justice, may be productive of immeasurable social evil. From equality of right, and equality of governing power, pride naturally leads man to an assumption of equal mental ability; and when he begins to feel no superior about him—to lose himself in the pleasing labyrinth of his own excellencies-when he gives up principles of reverence-nor looks back to his ancestry, nor forward to posterity—when he feels himself a competent judge in his own cause-then is an end to all order, to all equality, to all liberty! And am I wrong in considering this sufficiency an actively growing error, and one which we must meet upon the stage of life? Is it not a correct inference from the not unfrequent proscription of those who have made law their study, from the very halls where laws are made? and from the boast rung through our land not a twelvemonth since, that he highest in honor was a man of limited education? Is it not time to think that the people are becoming jealous of learning? and is it not time for educated men to become jealous of their learning? And why this distrust? Aside from the natural tendency of our institutions, to which I have alluded, and which is the basis of these remarks, there has been, I must repeat again, too little regard on the part of educated men for the dignity of their station, as the guardians of truth. They have yielded to, instead of mold

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