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If this great system is to be preserved, there must be respect paid to the rights of all of its parts. The North as well as the South, the East as well as the West, must share equally of the benefits or the burdens. Only ruin can follow the infraction of the rights and privileges of any section. Melancholy experience has taught us this, and may we profit by that experience.

5. The people of the United States have been content to take care of their own affairs, without intermeddling with those of others. The exceptions have been felt; and ought not to be called in precedent. The Father of the Republic counselled this course as suited to our exigencies, and enabling us the better to be employed in the development of our own nationality. Moral influence we may give to the struggles of brother republicans abroad—wise counsels, sound examples, without setting ourselves up as the propagandists of political principles, or entering upon a Don Quixote crusade against oppression and wrong throughout the world. Let Europe, for the present, fight out her own battles. Her old and decayed system must crumble down—her people must be born again before they can be fitted for the full blaze of the light of liberty which dazzles not our eyes. Time alone can bring about this. "Who would be free, themselves must strike the blow." The liberties of the millions now and hereafter inhabiting our country will be task enough for one nation adequately to maintain and guard. "The Greeks are at our doors." If the wise rule of our ancestors is ever to be departed from—and it is not claimed as applicable rigidly to every period of our national being—the case must be one of far greater merit than Europe has presented in the last half century. Now that the Old World is likely to be convulsed again—that the fires which have been lit by Cossack and Turk by the shores of the Bosphorus threaten general conflagration—that Poland, and Italy, and Hungary, may be found again asserting in arms their liberties and nationalities—that English bayonet and French artillery shall awaken all the dire elements of war which have slumbered so long, from the Baltic to the Mediterranean —hard indeed will it be for us to resist the pressure from our sympathies and retain our wise neutrality. Much will there be to gall our pride; much to tax our endurance and outrage the noblest sentiments of the heart; yet once let Us yield and become involved in these great struggles, and when and where shall we be disentangled from them? The drama of our future will be one of violence and blood. Neither manhood nor religion requires from us greater love for others than for ourselyes. We are doing more for republicanism through

out the world, by furnishing it a home, and proving in it the practicability of republican institutions, when wisely framed and administered, than could be afforded by all the material aid and intervention which fleets and armies could carry. The gallantryof Ingraham, sustained by the President and by Congress, has sufficiently aroused Europe to the fact that republican America well knows how and when to extend the protection of its flag and the power of its nationality.

6. Freedom of speech and of the press are the inalienable birthright of the American citizen. With such levers, what abuse cannot be probed—what outrage redressed? We dare to speak our thoughts and to print them. This magic power of the press is at work throughout the land. Two thousand five hundred newspapers are discussing and elaborating measures of policy and cricticising the actions of public men. It is a power that is hundred-eyed and hundred-armed, and sleeps not—watchful sentinels of the liberties of the people. There is something almost divine in its action. Licentious at times though it be, prostituted to base uses, better this than the gag law and the censor, and the other restraints which despotism throws around it in Europe. The freedom of the press is the aegis of our liberty.

The density of population in the United States does not exceed seven persons to the square mile, whilst in Great Britain there are 234 to the square mile, and in Belgium 385. While the densest .of our States—Massachusetts—contains 137 to the square mile, the least dense—Minnesota and Oregon—^ have only one inhabitant to every 30 or 40 square miles.

With the same density as Massachusetts, the United States would embrace 420 millions; with the density of Belgium, our territory is vast enough to include all the present inhabitants of the earth.

It is not in the power of man to conceive of a case more typical of the wonderful advances of our country than the growth of some of its great cities—for example, Cincinnati. About the time when the federal constitution was adopted, Mathias Denman, of New Jersey, bought for $550, eight hundred acres of the land on which the whole of all the great business streets of Cincinnati are now located. In 1800, but 750 persons had made their residences here. In 1840, there were 46,000; in 1850, 115,000—a three-fold increase in ten years. At the present moment the number cannot be less than 150,000, which will make Cincinnati the fourth or fifth city in the Union. Thus can men, in its midst, in the very activity and meridian of life, in sweeping the eye over its densely-compact streets, its marts of commerce, its richly-laden warehouses, its palaces of wealth, its splendid cathedrals of religion, its school-houses and its colleges, its quays, with their fleets of steamers, its railroads and telegraphs, approaching from every point of the compass, remember and recount scenes of the Indian wigwam and the Indian warwhoop, and when in all of its splendid and almost enchanted prospect was heard but the woodman's axe.

The State in which it is situated is another miracle of the present century. Admitted into the Union in 1802, with a population of 45,000, or two-thirds the population of Delaware, she already vies with Pennsylvania, and does not fall far short of the population of all of the New England States together. She has 820 miles of canals, built at a cost of $17,000,000, and 1,418 miles of railroads—a greater extent than any other State in the Union except New York. Her roads in progress (1853) were 1,736 miles, making a total programme of 3,154 miles. The magic lamp of Aladdin, in Eastern story, scarcely developed more rapid creations of wealth and power. The quick and infinite changes of the kaleidoscope are the only parallel for these.

The great interior valley, too, of which it is a part—the central basin of the Mississippi, and its tributaries—what enchantment at every step! The smoking cabin, the stealthy savage, the stalwart pioneer, the victim at the stake, the tomahawk and the scalp, the hunter's horn, the log house, and the picket, the interminable forests, the arrow trail! The nineteenth century opened thus upon the mighty West! It is so no more; the mansion rises, the plough speeds, the locomotive whizzes by, the paddle-wheels of the steamer dash into spray the slugged waters of every tortuous stream; fields laden with produce, wealth heaped up on every quay; the fashions of Paris, the elegance, the civilization, the intellectual culture of European courts! The spirit of the Anglo-Saxon has brooded over this waste, and chaos has broken up into life and light, and a thousand forms of attractiveness and beauty. Westward has been the tide of empire. It has been leaving even Ohio behind, and in its rapid footsteps making of it a very far down-east State. No longer may it be sung of her as of yore— "Together let us rise, Seek brighter plains and more indulgent skies, Where fair Ohio rolls her amber tide, And nature blossoms in her virgin pride."

The centre of representative population of the Union is now west of the mouth of the Ohio. Standing at this point, four great arms of an inland ocean are opened to either point of the compass. To the east the Ohio ascends 1,000 miles, peneing in its tributaries the interior of New York, Penmyla, and Virginia—to the west the Missouri sweeps 3,000 ■s towards the waters of the Western ocean—to the north

the south old Mississippi, father of all rivers, conveys his era to the ocean. It has been working its way onward, t old river, further than our fancy may trace it—through

climes, and lands, and people—from where its remote rce, a sleeping lake, deep set in impenetrable shades, on untain heights, beyond all haunts of civilized life, mirrors ■age and unchased beasts, it has worked itself on, father of

waters, among mountains

"Where rolls the Oregon, and hears no sound
Save his own dashings,"

It is not possible that the tide of emigration from abroad our country can continue always. The improvements in the ts, and the discharge of the surplus, will render the induceents abroad to emigrate less and less. New outlets to emi.ation -are opening in other countries, as in Australia, Caida, &c. It is against all the precedents of history that ich a state of things shoul long continue. Though our tertories seem to be boundless, population has not a necessary :ndency to swell in the ratio of territory. But whether the icrease continue or not, experience has shown, against all exectation, that this large influx of foreigners has not deteroirted the national morals, or endangered the national liberties. i?he danger of our country's tending towards rank and molarchy from the influx of persons brought up under such forms )f government seemed to be the most pressing; but the very .everse has been the tendency, and we have run and are every lay running more and more into extremes of democracy. The foreign element may increase this tendency, but its proportion being annually less and less to the native born, and its diffusion being very general over large sections, its effects must be neutralized. The States which have been most increased by such population have shown nothing less of the pride of republicanism, the principles of progress, and the desire for mental development, than those that have derived no such increase. It is only in the large cities that the foreign element has ever been unfavorably felt; and this is rather owing to the fact that the worst portions of such population will stop there naturally, and because in great cities vice and crime are more natural even with the natives. In many of our large northern cities there is a species of native population, known by various Billingsgates designations, who, in readiness for lawless excess, are certainly nothing behind the worst class of foreigners. A people who have derived so much from foreign increase should Sig. 20.

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its palaces of wealth, its splendid cathedwth one-third of our school-houses and its colleges, its qua"v,,ith so large a foreign steamers, its railroads and telegraph? c which has been extendpoint of the compass, remember? ,c improvement, and so fast dian wigwam and the Indian Wp ,, becomes us to express dissplendid and almost encharJ ,;Ui7ates to the soil, and he, and woodman's axe. '£$ ready defenders of the flag of

The State in which i* .t, for a time more exposed than any present century. A9 ^.jies of the demagogue, we should be population of 45,0C "^ and practicable checks, compatible she already vie. ''^,/t1'zenship, within a period which shall of the popu1 ,'aS to be inconsistent with a knowledge of

She has 8s1. .,'■ '^or so long as to involve a condition at war and 1,49 - yrpti',pA0{ our system of a large free population, withStato '. ^"^presentation, and forming no part of the gov

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