bring with them habits and sentiments not congenial with our free system of self-government, it is certain that their prevailing influence is not favorable to the preservation and perpetuity of our institutions. It would be as unreasonable to believe that foul and corrupt matter cast into a fountain would not affect the purity of the stream issuing from it, as to expect that an indiscriminate admission of that class of foreigners above mentioned to the full participation in our civil and political privileges will not impair the purity and excellency of those privileges. In the early period of our national existence, there may have been reasons for the free admission of foreigners which do not exist now; and if the reasons have changed, the practice founded on them should also be changed. The United States have already, even in their infancy, become a great and populous nation. The natural ratio of increase is great, beyond precedent; and it is better for the strength, the stability, the perfection and the duration of our republican institutions, that the future increase should be from our native inhabitants. Let the generations that shall rise up to supply the places of those that pass away, as all must pass away, be those born in the country-those, who have received a love of their country, a love of liberty, a love of our democratic system of government, among the first sensations of life, and connected it with all the endearing scenes of childhood and youth-who have been inspired with it, in the lap, and from the bosom of a mother; who have been taught it by the precepts and example of a father; who have caught it from the influence of all the loved and venerated ones that sur

rounded their childhood and youth; who have been imbued with it by the commingled hues and odors of the flowers of their native fields; who have associated it with their native mountains, hills and vallies, rivers and streams, lakes and woods, the scenes of their youthful amusements and toils; who have inhaled it in their native air, and felt it reflected from their native skies, and seen it radiating from the stars and planets of their native hemisphere; who have been taught it in the village school, and at the domestic altar of their beloved home, and by the solemn instructions and devotions of the parish church.

These are the sources of influence which sways the young mind; which moulds the character; which forms the man. These are the fountains of a pure

and hallowed patriotism.

"Lives there a heart so cold and dead

That never to itself hath said,

This is my own, my native land?''

CHAPTER IX.

Of Persons belonging to the Army and Navy of the United States.

It may seem singular, that in a government, in which an equality of rights is a fundamental principle, the question should ever arise, whether any class of men should be excluded from the privileges of citizenship by the exercise of a lawful and necessary employ

ment. And it may seem still more singular that an employment, entered into by virtue of the express laws of the country, and under a contract with those exercising the government of the country, should have that effect. But, by the constitutions of several of the states, soldiers, seamen and marines, in the regular army and navy of the United States, cannot be electors.* There is certainly nothing in the occupation of these classes of people, that ought wholly to exclude them from the right of suffrage. Their occupation is a lawful one; and the case may occur when it will be necessary to impress men into the military and naval service of the country; and it would be unjust to deprive them of their political privileges, by an act of the government, against their consent. But it is to be hoped, that the patriotism of the people will always supply recruits for the army and navy, without the compulsion of the government. It is believed that the states, which have wholly excluded persons enlisted in the military and naval service of the country, from the right of suffrage, have done it by the misapplication of a correct principle. It was shown in a previous chapter, (Part I, ch. 5,) that a person ought to have an established domicil, with, at least, a year's residence in a place, before he could rightfully be admitted to the privileges of an elector in that place. But a person cannot, within the true spirit of that rule, establish his domicil and have the residence in any place, necessary to qualify him for the right of suffrage there, by virtue

* See Part I, ch. 6. Indiana-Alabama-Missouri and South Carolina.

of his service in the army or navy of the United States. Indeed a residence for any length of time, in any place by persons engaged in the performance of duty in the regular military or naval service of the country, cannot be considered as such a residence, or even the commencement of such a residence, as will qualify them for the right of suffrage in that place. Their residence is in obedience to the will of others having authority to direct their movements, and cannot properly be considered as an act of their own, done in their own right. And an establishment at any place, under such circumstances, cannot even give one a domicil there.

The troops of the United States are stationed at various posts and garrisons throughout the country, and sometimes in numerous bodies, as the exigencies of the public services may require. They are liable to be removed and frequently are removed, by the will of others, from one station to another. They form a community by themselves at their several stations, and have, necessarily, but little or no acquaintance with the local affairs of the district or country where they are stationed; and they have no special or necessary interest in them. To allow them to interfere in the elections and public affairs, at their several stations, would deprive the settled inhabitant of a share of their political rights and influence; and would produce disaffection and commotions among the people. And a body of troops, if they should happen to be under a bad influence, or in a state of excitement, with arms in their hands, might overawe the inhabitants, and, by that means, control an election. In

many instances, too, their numbers would be such as to control a local election, to the destruction of the whole influence of the settled inhabitants. They ought not, therefore, to be allowed to vote, in any case, by virtue of a residence at any place in the military service. The members of the navy are out of the country a large part of the time; but the same remarks apply to them when in port or at any station within the territory of the country. But when the officers of the army and navy, and others engaged in the military and naval service of the United States, are at their own homes, at the places of their domicil, they ought to stand upon the same rights as others, and be admitted to the right of suffrage by the same principles and upon the same qualifications. There is a jealousy of those belonging to the regular army and navy, and perhaps not an unreasonable one, arising from a belief that the sentiments and habits acquired in the service are unfriendly to civil liberty; and if the members of those bodies should be allowed to act in civil affairs, as an organized corps, such jealousy would be well founded. But no danger can arise from their exercise of civil privileges, when at their own homes, mingled with the citizens and separated from each other. Indeed, but a very small proportion of them would ever be in a situation to vote any where, or have the necessary qualifications for that purpose, if subjected to the regulations above proposed, and which place them upon the same footing with other members of the American family. But if any of the States will depart so much from sound principle, as to admit persons to the right of suffrage, who are not members of