the press. Now the idea that Americans, from mere self-respect, ought to form of the American people, is that of a class of persons in whom the sovereign power of a great and growing empire resides; and that of a class of persons who are worthy, by their suffrages, to take a part in the administration of the government of such an empire. Nothing low or vile ought to be associated with the idea. It ought to carry with it the idea of dignity and of intellectual and moral worth; and if the American people are not worthy of being estimated by such a standard, they ought to raise themselves to it. None below that standard ought to be included in the idea of the American people. It is not unusual to hear persons talk of the common people. But who are the common people of the United States? There are no royal or noble families; all are commoners. And if such a distinction has any just foundation in the United States it would seem as if the phrase ought to embrace all those persons, with their families, who stand upon a common level as electors, and to exclude those not possessing the qualifications for that station. These are not mere idle speculations. Nations and individuals will conduct, in a great measure, according to the standard of character that they have affixed to themselves. And if foreign nations find that character to be just and well sustained, they will also adopt it in their estimation. Thus, by having a high standard of character formed and established, the nation will raise its own character both at home and abroad; and, what is of much consequence, the character of the government will be alike elevated, and

the government be better administered.

And when the character of the whole people shall become so elevated and established, we shall have no appeals to their ignorance and bad passions from demagogues seeking popular favor; and if such appeals shall be made, they will be spurned with merited contempt. The aspirants for favor must then address themselves to the intelligence and patriotism of the people; and must themselves establish a reputation for intelligence, integrity and patriotism, before they can expect to receive the suffrages of the people.

It is a question, about which there may be some diversity of opinion, what constitutes citizenship; or who are citizens. In a loose and improper sense, the word citizen is sometimes used to denote any inhabitant of the country; but this is not a correct use of the word. Those, and no others, are properly citizens who were parties to the original compact by which the government was formed, or their successors who are qualified and entitled to take a part in the affairs of government, by their votes in the election of public officers. Women and children are represented by their domestic directors or heads, in whose wills theirs is supposed to be included. They, as well as others not entitled to vote, are not properly citizens. They are members of the State, and fully entitled to the advantages of its laws and institutions for the pro. tection of their rights: "But inmates, strangers, and other temporary inhabitants are not members of the State;" still they are entitled to the protection of the laws, if permitted to remain within the State.* A

* Puff. book 7, ch. 2. sec. 20.

citizen, then, is a person entitled to vote in the elections; he is one of those in whom the sovereign power of the State resides; he holds a rank of responsibility and dignity; he is one of that class of persons to whom the females and children, and all the more dependent members of society, look for the protection and support of all their rights. It therefore behoves all classes of society to see that such principles shall be adopted in the government, as to exclude, as far as possible, all unworthy persons from a station of so much dignity and importance.

CHAPTER IV.

Of the Value of the American Institutions of Government and of the Duty of preserving them-Of the sources of danger to these Institutions—How they may be Perpetuated.

That the people of the United States may feel a suitable interest in the perfection and preservation of their invaluable institutions of government, it is necessary that they should understand and justly appreciate their value. It has been before shown that government is necessary, principally "because of the bad passions, propensities and imperfections of mankind;" and that its legitimate object is, to prevent and redress the evils resulting from them. Any restraint upon the actions of men, beyond what is necessary to prevent or redress wrong, or to produce a greater

degree of good, is an abridgment of liberty, and is, of itself, an evil. In most of the civilized countries of the old world, the people have been considered as incapable of self-government; and hence their rulers generally have held their offices by hereditary right; part of the people being born to rule and the rest to obey. There the foundation is laid, in the very first principles of their governments, for a conflict of interests between the rulers and the ruled. But our ancestors wisely formed their government upon different principles. They assumed, as first principles, that the people had equal political rights; that government was formed for their benefit; and that they were capable, as a body, of self-government. I say as a body; because the very idea of government supposes that it is not so, with each individual. Our constitutions of government are designed to secure to the people the most perfect enjoyment of civil liberty. They embody a set of rules and principles which establish, in the people, the right of electing their own rulers, and of being subject to no laws but such as are made by themselves or their representatives. And their representatives, being chosen for short and limited periods, can have, and justly claim no right in their offices, except for so long a period as they hold them by the will of the people. Every guard is placed around the exercise of power which, it was supposed, would be necessary to preserve a wholesome exercise of it, and to prevent the abuse of it. And the people have reserved, in their own hands, the right, by means of elections, to protect their own liberties, and to guard themselves against all the en

croachments of power. themselves, and possess only the rights and interests common to all. Hence it is to be presumed that all laws will be made, expounded and executed with a single regard to the general good and to the rights of those immediately concerned. Every person may be a candidate for any office to which he is eligible, without restraint; and may engage in any legitimate business by which he may advance his own interest. Hence arises the great prosperity which is witnessed in the varied business of society, by which individuals are enriched and society is so much benefitted. No person's liberty can be justly abridged any farther than is necessary for the general benefit; and if he receives an injury, the law is open for his redress. Such a government is worthy of the care and preservation of an enlightened people. Let every one study and understand its true principles; and spare no effort to preserve it unimpaired, and to protect it, and to transmit it to posterity. It is the source of too much happiness and prosperity to be lightly valued; and the poorest and most abject member of society may console himself with the hope, that his posterity will share largely in its blessings, although his own condition may be humble. A regard to our own happiness and to that of our posterity; gratitude to our ancestors who acquired our liberties and established our happy form of government; and gratitude to that Divine Being, to whose good providence we are indebted for these blessings, alike demand that we should be vigilant to preserve them. The friends of free institutions throughout the world are looking with

Their rulers are a part of