a contest unusually bloody, exhausting and calamitous; in which the evils of foreign war have been aggravated by domestic convulsion and insurrec tion; in which many of the arts most useful to society have been exposed to discouragement and decay; in which scarcity of subsistence has embittered other sufferings; while even the anticipations of a return of the blessings of peace and repose, are alloyed by the sense of heavy and accumulating bur. thens, which press upon all the departments of industry, and threaten to clog the future springs of government, our favoured country, happy in a strik. ing contrast, has enjoyed general tranquility; a tranquility the more satisfactory, because maintained at the expence of no duty. Faithful to ourselves, we have violated no obligation to others. Our agriculture, commerce and manufactures pros. per beyond former example; the molestations of our trade (to prevent a continuance of which, however, very pointed remonstrances have been made) being overbalanced by the aggregate benefits which it derives from a neutral position. Our population advances with a celerity which, exceeding the most sanguine calculation, proportionally augments our strength and resources, and guarantees our future security. Every part of the union displays indications of rapid and various improve. ment, and with burthens so light as scarcely to be perceived; with resources fully adequate to our present exigencies; with governments founded on the genuine principles of rational liberty, and with mild and wholesome laws;-is it too much to say, that our country exhibits a spectacle of national happiness never surpassed, if ever before equalled.”

Let it not be forgotten that all these happy effects had been produced without a Navy.

Congress had, it is true, in the year 1794, authorised the President to provide four 44 gun

ships, and two of thirty-six; but for the express and sole purpose of arresting the depredations of Algerine piracy; and for the liberation of our captive citizens. The law passed on this occasion is uncommonly solicitous to guard against the establishment of a permanent navy under the color of these evils. Its first words are: "Whereas the depredations committed by the Algerine corsairs on the commerce of the United States render it necessary that a naval force should be provided for its protection."-And its last : "That if a peace shall take place between the United States and the Regency of Algiers, no further proceeding shall be had under this act."

It is important to remark that this law passed on the 27th day of March 1794, immediately after the re-election of General Washington by the unani. mous suffrage of America, and when federal principles, unpolluted by party sensations, were in the full tide of successful experiment. Nor were the external affairs of the country by any means flattering. On the Atlantic the war had begun to rage between Great Britain and France, while on our western frontiers the savages were in arms. Still the great, the sole cause of this naval armament was the violences of Algiers; the captivity of our citizens, whose ignominious and harsh treatment roused the national sentiment to effect their liberation and restrain the further injustice of the Dey. Congress expressly direct that as soon as these ends shall be attained, of which peace would be the necessary consequence, no further proceeding shall be had in providing ships of war.

On the 8th of December, 1795, the President announced to Congress the establishment of peace with Algiers, and the formation of a treaty with Great-Britain. On the 20th of April, 1796, Congress authorised the President to continue the construction and equipment of two frigates of 44, and

one of 36 guns; all authority under the preceding. act having ceased with the cause that produced it; and appropriated the unexpended part of the previous appropriation of 688,833 dollars, and of 80,000 dollars appropriated for gallies. The same act directs that such parts of the perishable materials as may not be wanted for completing the three frigates" shall be sold, and the surplus of the other materials safely kept for the future use of the United States.

No further appropriation was made until the first of June, one thousand seven hundred and ninetysix, when, 5,000 dollars were appropriated for the pay and the subsistence of three captains.

On the third of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven, 5,000 dollars were appropriated to a like purpose, and 172,000 dollars to finishing the frigates United States, Constitution, and Constellation.

These appropriations appear to have been made entirely with a view to prevent the United States from incurring any serious loss from the progress made in building the ships of war: Three of them were in considerable forwardness. These were directed to be finished, and an appropriation made for the pay of their captains who had a large share in superintending their construction.

In these successive acts we behold strong, and what may be considered indisputable evidence of the state of public opinion from the years one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, to one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven, and of the opinion of the general government during the whole of the Washington administration, which terminated on the very day on which the last appropriation law was passed. Other contemporaneous evidences to this effect are not wanting; among which that which contains the most precise and

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pointed application will be found in a report made to congress by Mr. Wolcott, secretary of the treasury, in December one thousand seven hundred and ninety-six. The subject of the report is the imposition of a direct tax, which is preceded by a view of the demands likely to be made on the government for a number of succeeding years.Among these demands, Mr. Wolcott estimates two millions as necessary for the military and naval departments, including pensions; and adds "If it shall be found that the expenses of the military and naval départments cannot be reduced below the above estimate, which, though much to be desired, is far from certain, the foregoing calculation (embracing other objects) will fall short of the real expense; it being morally certain, that the expenses of civil government will hereafter considerably increase."

Here then we have the unequivocal declaration of Mr. Wolcott, a citizen of Connecticut, a federalist, the successor and disciple of general Hamilton, and the confidential officer of general Washington, that it was much to be desired that the military and naval expense should be reduced below two milions; the greater part of which being required by the army, leaves less than a million for naval purposes. The inference is by no means, forced, that general Washington held the same opinion and had actually revised the report of the secretary before its submission to congress.

These were the sentiments and measures of the WASHINGTON administration.

During the ensuing year Washington retired into private life and in the farewell advice he gave, stamped with every mark of deliberation and wisdom, it is not a little remarkable that not a word is to be found on the subject of a navy. Is not his silence, on this solemn occasion, conclusive evi

dence of the little importance he attached to the institution?

Such are the sentiments which prevailed, and the measures that were adopted, during the first eight years of the government under the presidency of general Washington. It is important here distinctly to state that the whole appropriation for naval purposes during this period was 950,000 dollars.

On the third of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven, Mr. Adams, borne on the tide of the prevailing politics, took the chair of

state.

It is unnecessary to exhibit a detailed statement of the events that ensued. They are doubtless fresh in the recollection of the reader. The legislature and executive pushed forward, with equal zeal, the naval armament; many of the evils of war actually befel us, and all its complicated horrors stared us in the face. Without entering boldly into a state of war, by which we should have profited of its benefits as well as injuries, we were wasting, in an alarming degree, the resources which ought to have been husbanded for the last resort. In the short period of four years above ten millions were appropriated to the navy.

Thus stood affairs on the third day of March, one thousand eight hundred and one, the last day of Mr. Adams's administration, when a federal congress passed a law for reducing the navy to thirteen frigates, of which six were directed to be kept in constant service, and the others to be laid up in ordinary. This measure was adopted on the express declaration of Mr. Stoddert, communicated by the President to congress, that "should the United States be so fortunate as to terminate by an honorable treaty, the differences with France, it would be good economy to sell all the (other) public vessels."