sure, it is sufficient to say that the expences of collecting a million, the sum appropriated to protect the Mediterranean trade, would have been about 240,000 dollars, while that attending the new duties will not probably exceed 10,000. In which case the tax instead of being a million would have been twelve hundred and thirty thousand dollars. The difference between these two sums is gained by the nation. Many other arguments of force but little inferior, could be urged; but these alone are strong enough for our purpose.

With regard to the second allegation, that the new duties are unequal and unjust, nothing can be more false. They are laid for the sole purpose of protecting trade. Is it not then just that trade should indemnify the expence? But, it is said that they lay an oppressive burthen on the merchant. How can this be? The tax is not retrospective, but prospective. The merchant may, or may not, according to his sense of interest import the goods that are taxed. If he does import them, he will be reimbursed by the purchaser not only the cost and the duty, but a profit both on the cost and the duty. This fact is so well understood in the mercantile world, that the enlightened merchant is always friendly to the imposition of moderate duties. It is, however, replied, that the addition of the new to the old duties, renders the existing ones immoderate, whereby the sale of the goods will be diminished, and consequently the mercantile profit, and smuggling be-encouraged, to the injury of the fair trader.

Let us examine whether either of these effects is likely to be produced The additional duty is that of two and a half per centum on all goods previously taxed ad valorem.

From official documents it appears that the average duty on articles charged ad valorem is 13 and

M

a half per cent; and that the aggregate amount of the duties received on those articles in the year 1802 was 4,193,472 dollars, and the value of those articles 31,706,161 dollars-The whole amount of importations of that year may be computed at forty-nine millions of dollars; and the duties amount to ten millions one hundred thousand; from which it follows that the value of the articles that paid specific duties was about seventeen millions, and the duties on those articles, averaged about thirty-three per cent. which is more than dou ble the average duty paid on articles charged advalorem. This conclusively proves that the addition of two and a half per cent. to the latter does not render it immoderate, inasmuch as it does not create a duty equal to that laid on goods specifically taxed.

With as little justice can it be contended that the additional duty will increase smuggling or diminish the profit of the fair trader by diminishing the sale of the goods taxed. To shew this, it must first be proved that those articles on which a higher duty is at present paid are smuggled, or that their sale is diminished. This has never been said.

The fact is that these new duties are among the most equitable that have been laid. They will operate principally as a tax on luxury, thereby favoring the poor, and they will serve in some measure, to equalise the whole mass of duties. By the late system, some of the most important, and even necessary articles of consumption are taxed exorbitantly. For instance, brown sugar pays a duty of between forty-five and fifty per cent. Spirits pay a duty of about thirty-five per cent. Salt pays a duty of above sixty per cent. Wines pay a duty of thirty-three per cent. And Teas pay a duty of one hundred per cent. The duties on these arti

cles average nearly fifty per cent. and amount to above 4,800,000 dollars, which exceeds by six hundred thousand dollars the whole sum derived from articles charged ad-valorem.

Having seen the manner in which the Financial, the War, and the Navy departments have been conducted, we are brought to a view of the operations of the DEPARTMENT OF STATE, more important, perhaps, in their effects than all the others. It is these operations that try the talents of the government, not on the limited theatre of the United States, but on the extensive theatre of the world. It is to them that we are indebted for the wise treaties framed, for the impolitic treaties avoided, for the faithful execution of those that exist, for averting all just cause of complaint to foreign nations, and for the consequent preservation of peace and prosperity. In these operations, the President is understood to participate as well in detail as in the outline; and although many of the subordinate measures are frequently taken by the Secretary of the department without his advice, yet it is most consonant to the spirit of the go. vernment to consider him, equally with the head of the department, answerable for all its measures.

When Mr. Jefferson was elected President, he found the public opinion much divided on the extent to which prudence required the carrying our foreign relations. On the one hand, the commercial part of the community, with a view to their own aggrandisement, espoused their extension to a very great length. Viewing the vast ascendancy of men of their profession in England, from which country many of them had recently emigrated, and with which they were united by ties of interest, relationship and friendship; influenced by a blind spirit of imitation, they sought, in the conduct of that nation, models for the United States, without

reflecting on the dissimilar situation of the two nations.

This class of men, though powerful from their wealth and numbers, would probably have but little influenced the national sentiment, had they not been joined by a body of citizens of no mean talents, who, from habit, prejudice or principle, were solicitous to draw the United States into a close imitation of Great Britain. This body was composed of men of advanced age, whose early associations and feelings had made them the strenuous advocates of the British system, and whose sentiments had become too confirmed, at the era of independence, to undergo any radical change, and of those, who from principle or ambition, were desirous of gradually building up a system of government more energetic in the Executive than that of the United States-This last description of men have generally denied their attachment to monarchy; but there is not a doubt that their principles necessarily lead to this result.

On the other hand, the great agricultural and manufacturing interests were hostile to an extension of our foreign relations-They believed that their own prosperity, and consequently that of the whole country, depended upon peace, and that peace depended upon our avoiding all unnecessary entanglements with European nations. Perceiving the invariable connection between extensive warlike establishments and the subversion of liberty, they were anxious to insure the latter by avoiding the former.

According to the preponderance of these conflicting sentiments the complexion of the government had from its commencement varied; until, at length, parties were consolidated, and the federal side uniformly advocated, and the republican opposed the extension of our foreign relations, Dur

ing the Presidency of General Washington there was but a small extension. It was during that of Mr. Adams that it became most alarming. Large appropriations were made for new embassies, and many indications exhibited of a settled plan to make the United States a party in the bloody scenes and ceaseless collisions of the old world.

It was the feeling, excited by these measures, that in a lively degree produced the extrusion of Mr. Adams from the government, and the introduction of Mr. Jefferson. The sentiments of both these men were well known. It was known that the one was as hostile, as the other was friendly to extending our foreign relations. Whatever may have been the previous temper of the people, it became unequivocally marked by the elections of 1800; and Mr. Jefferson entered into office, under an obligation, resulting no less from a clear indication of public opinion, than from a respect to his own sentiments, to avoid all unnecessary compacts with foreign powers.

It would open a wide discussion to enquire whether these impressions are sound. It it believed, however, if there be any political principle applicable to the United States, capable of demonstration, it is that it becomes her to stand aloof from foreign connections. Such was undoubtedly the solemn and deliberate decision of Washington, after administering the government for eight years. In his farewell address this conviction is expressed in an elevated tone of affection.

"The great rule of conduct for us," says he, "in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.