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the two Churches and the speech of the French Embassador, that "if the Hugonots had framed their Church upon the model of the English, there would not have been a Papist at that time in France."

199. Number of missionaries in England. 202. Desire of the King and of the Bishop to do away all persecution.

203. English clergy described by Leander.

208. Terms of possible reconciliation. 221. The Founder of the Ben. Coll. and Convent at Douay begins it at Leander's instigation.

317. The Spaniards,-"they think we are so much in love with this trade, as it is a recompense for any thing we can do for them."-HOPTON. 1635.

338. Windebank writes to the King, 1635, "I am given to understand, that the Protestants in France complain much of an altar, which the Lord Scudamore hath caused to be set up in his chapel there, after the manner of the Church of England: which being held a great superstition by the Protestant party in France, they are much scandalized at it; and it is thought it may hazard the interest your Majesty had in that party there and thereupon hath been forborne by your Majesty's former ambassador."

356. Charles's instruction to the Queen's agent at Rome. He will allow of no foreign jurisdiction within the jurisdiction of the Church of England: sees the danger and complains of the Jesuits.

368. Fanshaw.

Vol. 2.

44. Pope's instructions, that the Papists be not too forward in serving the King either with men or money. And that the Roman Catholic clergy desist from that foolish, nay rather illiterate and childish custom of distinction in the Protestant and Puritan doctrine.

69. 1639. Sir Arthur Hopton reports a conspiracy between the fugitive Irish in Spain, and some Romish bishops in Ireland, for creating a rebellion.

79. The Dutch said Charles durst not break with them; and if he durst, they feared him not; and rather than suffer the Spanish fleet to escape, they would attack it, though it were placed upon his Majesty's beard.

81. Charles saw that the fire in Scotland threatened not only the monarchical government there, but in England also.

134. Windebank's merriment after his escape. Sure he could never be a good privy councillor, for he tells all that he ever knew or did.

Mr. Sec. Vane to the Lords' Justices, 16th March, 1640, warning them that a rebellion was intended in Ireland.

135. Mountnorris's letter to Strafford, after Strafford's condemnation.-A most affecting letter.

144. Lord Paget's letter to the Parliament when he joined the King.

146. Lord Herbert. "I have got five hundred pounds. If I could tell how, I would send it to Mrs. M. I cannot for my life turn it into gold."

151. Stamford's letter to the King, imputing all the evil to the Earl of Bristol, Archbishop Williams, and the rest of their cabal.

155. An excellent letter of Sir W. Waller's to Sir Ralph Hopton, showing what the feeling of good men was.

66

157. The variations in the Scotch liturgy were made out of a desire to comply with those exceptions which were most known against it."

158. Motive for arresting Strafford.

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When members were expelled, there were brought in in their room mean and obscure persons both in birth and fortune, who were notoriously known to be disaffected to the government of the church and state."

159. Cause of alarm given to the Irish by the Parliament, before the Parliament.

167. Lady Ranelagh. - "For we have learnt at last that it is an easier thing to be weary of the government we have, than to mend ourselves by a change. Our own disorders have brought us into this meddle,

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that we must either submit to one, or be | God can bless any cause in such hands. tyrranized over by hundreds. And those Begin upon a new scale, and learn of my lord that did with the greatest violence pull | Montrose to be as conscientious in protectthemselves from under the King's govern- ing your friends as terrible to your enement, when they looked upon it in compa- mies, and subtle in taking all measures for rison with Queen Elizabeth's, could with such." as much greediness submit to it, now they are able to compare it experimentally with Sir H. Vane's."

169. 1644. Lord Inchiquin says he entered into no terms with the Parliament "till I saw that there was no living in Ireland for any but Papists: and that his Majesty was yet so deluded by these people, that his confidence of their integrity induced him to leave us in their power, who we know intend our extirpation, and resolve to be no longer obedient to his Majesty than he shall permit them to do what may conduce to that end.

"Ormond, the man in the world the rebels have shown most hatred to, and that justly, as being the person has given them most of prejudice."

182. Sir J. Hotham, when he departed from London, gave assurance to some of his nearest friends, “that he would not deny the King entrance into Hull, and surely had not done it, but that he was informed by some person near the King, in case he permitted his Majesty's entrance, he would lose his head; and it is conceived the same person did most prompt the King to go to Hull."

186. Hotham was the first man who moved in the House of Commons that Laud might be charged with high treason, and yet the person that suffered immediately before him upon the same stage.

188. An excellent letter of Culpeper's to Digby :-"Remember that a kingdom is at stake, and the present and all future ages will call them wise and honest too, that shall preserve it." He advises "a severe and most strict reformation in the discipline and manners of the army. Our courage is enerved by a lazy licentiousness; and good men are so scandalized at the horrid impiety of our armies, that they will not believe that

191. Digby's letter to the Scotch lords: "Is there any that would pretend themselves bound in conscience to enforce the same church government here which is settled in Scotland? Certainly, my lords, they who justify their taking up arms against their King, to withstand his imposing upon them a church government, against their consciences, can ill pretend to justify their continuing in arms against him, because he will not let them impose upon him a church government against his conscience." 201. Ormond. 287.

202. Glamorgan's instructions: They prove a lamentable willingness in Charles to make scape goats of his faithful servants. And also a duplicity, which no doubt was forced upon him by the times. See also 306.

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209. Charles represents to Montreuil, that if he could in conscience consent to establish a Presbyterian Church in England, the Independents would not submit to it.

220. 1646. Charles sends Montreuil a protestation "that all my servants, and all others who adhere to me, shall be saved from ruin or any public dishonour. Which is a condition that my wife writ to me that not only she, but likewise Cardinal Mazerin, were absolutely of opinion that I was sooner to die than not to have."

226. March, 1645-6. Charles's overtures to Sir H. Vane.

234. 1646. Hyde looks for advantages which "may be taken from the necessary distractions among themselves; there being not yet six men of one mind in their future designs upon the public, or in their private charity to each other."

243. Charles's ground for refusing to

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383. 1647. Nicholas writes as news which he has received from England: "The

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252. An Irish row described to the Nun- House of Commons hath again voted the

settlement of Presbytery, with liberty for tender consciences, which is a back door to let in all sects and heresies. The Socinians now begin to appear in great numbers un

257. Protestation of the Irish Popish clergy, that they all propagate the Romish faith. 278. Charles says of the Scotch, "The der the title of Rationalists; and there are Devil owes them a shame."

296. His contrition for Strafford's death, and his declaration, that he was surprised into his assent to the perpetual Parliament, "instantly after I made that base unworthy concession."

a sect of women lately come from foreign parts, and lodged in Southwark, called Quakers, who swell, shiver, and shake, and when they come to themselves, (for in all the time of their fits Mahomet's holy ghost converses with them,) they begin to preach

298. The Pope's terms communicated what hath been delivered to them by the through Sir K. Digby.

317. "I am not satisfied that too imperious a dislike heretofore in our Church of England, when she was of reputation and authority toward those churches, (the French,) especially the testy and imprudent carriage of my lord Sligo, when he was ambassador, towards those of Charenton, was not the best argument that hath been yet given, for those unworthy and uncharitable opinions of the religion of the King and Court of England.”—HYDE.

spirit."

448-9. Charles's most admirable letter to his son.

455. Scheme for attempting to release the King from Carisbrook.

543. Ascham. "There was found about the person of the man when he was dead, upon the left side next his skin, and nearest his heart, a plate of silver, which is now in his majesty's keeping, (of Spain) and a model whereof we herein send your Majesty. We here take it to be some combi

322. Hyde's opinion, that the Scots would nation entered into at that time. It may not betray the King.

326. 1646-7. His opinion that the King should make no unworthy concessions.

333. His foresight that there could be no peace till we were prepared to settle upon the old foundations.

336. Scandal of entertaining Con.-and inexcusable intrigues with the Irish Catholics. Here is a feeling evinced of Charles's want of openness to his best servants.

337. The Scotch a bare-faced rebellion. 342. Of Digby he says, "Yet truly I more fear that young man's fate, than I do any man's to whom I wish so well."

366. "If ever I come abroad again into the world, and any part be mean enough for me to act, I shall have ambition enough to make some means to be admitted to my lord marquis (Ormond,) whom, in good faith, I take to be the most excellent subject the King is lord of."

be the hieroglyphic may be better understood nearer England, though it wants not several comments here."

554. Whalley.

xxxvii. App. "The King (1647) lately asked Mr. Marshall what exceptions they had against the Liturgy, or against what part of it they took dislike. He answered that the Parliament had made an ordinance that it should not be used and therefore he could not approve of it. To which the King replied that he could have had as good a reason as that from the Earl of Pembroke."

Martin, upon reading of letters from Holmby, desiring directions how to deal with such as flocked up to be touched by the King, said he knew not but the Parliament's Great Seal might do it as well, if there were an ordinance for it.

xl. "There is a new sect sprung up among them, 1647, and these are the Ra

CATO NICHOLS.

tionalists; and what their reason dictates to them in church or state stands for good until they be convinced with better; that is, according as it serves their own turns."

Cromwell.

"THOUGH I am sure that he was an usurper, I am not sure that he was a hypocrite, at least all along, though it was most probable he was one at first."-CATO's Letters, vol. 2, p. 293.

The very reverse seems to me true.

MR. BROOKE says in a letter to Mr. Gough, 1783, "My friend Dade tells me that a family in the East Riding of Yorkshire are in possession of a collection of letters written from Cheshunt by a woman who lived as mistress with Richard Crom

well, which gives a particular account of

his death, and of the most material transactions of the latter part of his life."NICHOLS'S Illustrations, vol. 6, p. 413.

James Nichols. Calvinism and Arminianism compared.

ii. THOSE benevolent men who plead for the perfectly innocuous nature of mental error, would acknowledge the erroneousness of this principle, were they to peruse the strange and unscriptural assertions made by many of the early Calvinists.

Calvin "sophistically changed some of the plain doctrines of the Gospel into the fate of heathenism."

iv. Doctrines connected with general redemption suffered greatly from being recommended solely by the Lutherans, some of whose tenets were exceedingly obnoxious to such moderate men as wished to be at the greatest possible distance from Popery. vi. No Lutherans at Dort.

vii. The explanatory and often opposite

191

significations given by the various parties at Dort, occupy a far larger space in the acts than the canons themselves, and contain curious apologies for every contradictory grade of Calvinism.

xxix. Since the middle of the last century Arminianism has been rapidly gaining ground in Scotland.

xxxiii. Grotius's Adversaria published after his death, and the extracts there from other writers, have past for his own, where opinions contrary to his have been ascribed to him.

xlv. Puritans of the Rebellion differ from their predecessors, for they commenced offensive operations (the English ones) not as seceders from the church, but as Calvinists. The trumpeters and drummers and bellows-blowers of rebellion were conformable Episcopalians.

Laud's moderation.

xlvi. After the Restoration, "the rigid Calvinists almost unanimously became Non

conformists, and the more moderate Presbyterians with nearly all the Arminians, took refuge under Episcopacy."

xlvii. Milton defends the regicide by quotations from Calvin and his followers. xlviii. "—it was a general Calvinistic crusade against Arminianism and Episcopacy."

Luther sobered as he advanced in years, and then his sentiments concerning lawful obedience were entirely changed.

xlix. Mr. Scott calls the bellwethers of rebellion a few honest but undiscerning men. Nichols shows that they were neither.

His acknowledgment of obligation to them when they had amended their ways, and confined themselves to the duties of their profession.

1. John Durye had been employed under Laud for many years in trying to effect a union among the Protestants. He became a Bellwether.

lii. Opportunities of religious instruction which the Long Parliament enjoyed!

Effect of their perversion of religion in producing irreligion.

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liv. Complaints by the preachers of the Parliament as being sermon-proof. lvii. The judges, not the bishops, occasioned the grievance and the rebellion. Comparison between the loyal and the Parliament sermons.

lviii. When did these abominations break out?-when the Covenant triumphed. A good passage.

c. Cudworth not asked to preach after a sermon upon the life of Christ. Jackson.

Cudworth's father was editor of Perkins's works.

cv. Cudworth's description of holiness.
cviii. Schism sown by the Papists.
cxiv. Host of Calvinistic prophets.
cxv. Mede had defended the rites which

lix. Episcopacy popular-made so by the Andrews, not Laud, revived. consequences of destroying it.

lx. The Puritans were the fathers of English liberty, just as the devil was the cause of Job's final earthly prosperity.

Ixi. Intolerance preached by them. lxiii. Saying of John Hales that he would renounce the Church of England to-morrow if it obliged him to believe that any other Christians should be damned, and that nobody would conclude another man to be damned who did not wish him so. xciv. Ixiv. Cudworth's description of zeal. Ixix. Cromwell's policy with the Independents, setting them to prepare a Confession of faith, which would, ipso facto, have Presbyterianized them.

lxxi. English oath and English consciences: happily likened by Jeremiah Burroughes.

lxxiv. Owen acquits the zeal of those who put Servetus to death.

Sedgewick. Opposite revelations concerning the King's murder.

lxxviii. An hundred and fourscore new opinions. 707.

lxxix. Arminianism and Episcopacy both as such formally excluded from the benefits of toleration, even in the republican army.

lxxxv. Change in the Long Parliament. lxxxvi.

lxxxvii. Good effect that some good men remained.

The second hot inquisition against Arminianism (1653) undertaken at the earnest solicitation and under the immediate conduct of the Independents: that of 1643 was by the Presbytery. In this the Calvinists agreed heartily.

cxvi. Strafford and Laud, they were rather baited to death by beasts than sentenced with any colour of law or justice. cxxi. P. Heylyn. 310.

cxxxvi. Peter Du Moulin-he and his family firebrands.

cxli. William Orme's rascally book. 380. cxlvii. Winwood's character of Grotius. cl. Abbot.

clxi. Hooker attacked as not Calvinistic. Tolerance of opposite doctrines in his time. clxii. All the turbulent spirits, with very few exceptions, high Calvinists.

cxliv. Evangelical reviewers he calls regular traders in misrepresentation.

4. Many converts to Arminianism during the Rebellion.

5. Mr. Knowlittle is Hugh Peters-Dr. Dubious is Baxter.

9. Debates by word of mouth useless, or hurtful. This is beautifully said by Womack.

16. Franeker, the grand hotbed of the rankest Calvinism. 197. Its character.

There are good names in this Exam. Mr. Frybabe, and Dr. Damman-which is the better for being a real name—and of a Calvinist divine, whom it suited to a letter.

31. Sudden conversions.-"The ordinary course is not for the kingdom of heaven to offer violence to us, and to take us by force; but for us to do so by it."

71. Calvin's ill temper.-"That wild beast of impatience," he called it, " that raged in him and was not yet tamed." He would frequently reproach his brethren (especially if they dissented from him in the matter of predestination, &c.) by the name of Knave, Dog and Satan. And he so vexed the spirit

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