If in distortion of Gen. Grant's remarks in the | with the General Government, on the eve of theater the other night, by the Enquirer; an election, to preserve the peace. which reports them thus: "SIR: I am no politician. The President of the United States is my Commanderin-Chief. I consider this demonstration in opposition to the President of the United States, Andrew Johnson. If you have any regard for me you will take your men away. I am greatly annoyed at this demonstration. I came here to witness this theatrical performance. I will be glad to see you all tomorrow when the President arrives." Baker's own version is: "I am no politician. The President of the United States is my superior officer, and I am under his command. I beg, if you have any regard for me, to march your company away, as I do not wish to be thus annoyed. I consider this merely a political demonstration for a selfish and political object, and all such I disapprove of. I came here to enjoy the performance, but I shall be glad to see you all to morrow at the Burnet House." "Strange such a difference there should be 'Twixt tweedle-dum and tweedle-dee." [From the Missouri Republican, Sept. 20, 1866.] GRANT AND THE PRESIDENT-LETTER FROM HIS FATHER. COVINGTON, KY., July 20, 1866. surrection does come, the law provides the method of calling out forces to suppress it. No such condition seems to exist now. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, (Signed.) U. S. GRANT, General. His Excellency Andrew Johnson, President of the United States. Yet he now openly defends the holding of elections, in ten of the States of the South, under military auspices. MARTIAL-LAW IN THE SOUTH TO BE DEPLORED. In the month of January, 1867, Gen. Sheridan addressed a letter to Gen. Grant, which the latter referred to the Secretary of War, recommending the application of martial-law to the State of Texas. The following extract is from Gen. Grant's indorsement of Sheridan's letter: "The necessity for governing any portion of our territory by martial-law is to be deplored; if resorted to, it should be limited in its authority, and should leave all local authorities and civil tribunals free and unobstructed until they prove their inefficiency or unwillingness to perform their duties. the South. "U. S. GRANT, General." He is now the willing instrument E. C. COLLINS, Esq: * * You know of the Radical power in making the enough about Ulysses to know that to accept martial-law supreme in the States of the Presidency would be to him a sacrifice of feeling and personal interest. He could not well stand the trial of being a candidate for public favor; and his present position is THE IMPEACHMENT INVESTIGATION—GENERAL in every way a much better one than that of President. But if there should seem to be the same necessity for it two years hence as now, I expect he will yield. Yours, etc., J. R. GRANT. ON THE SUBJECT OF SENDING TROOPS TO BALTIMORE, IN THE OCTOBER ELECTION OF 1866. WASHINGTON, Oct. 24, 1866. The conviction is forced on my mind that no reason now exists for giving or promising the military aid of the Government to support the laws of Maryland. The tendency of giving such aid or promise would be to produce the very result intended to be averted. So far, there seems to be merely a very bitter contest for political ascendancy in the State. Military interference would be interpreted as giving aid to one of the factions, no matter how pure the intentions or how guarded and just the instructions. It is a contingency I hope never to see arise in this country, while I occupy the position of General in-Chief of the Army, to have to send troops into a State, in full relations [From the Official Report.] GRANT'S TESTIMONY. WASHINGTON, July 18, 1867. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant sworn and examined by Mr. Eldridge-Q. Did you after that time [his appointment as General, July, 1866,] have any interviews with the President in reference to the condition of the rebel States? A. I have seen the President frequently on the subject. Q. Did you have any interviews with him on the subject of granting amnesty or pardon to the officers of the Confederate army, or to the people of those States? A. Not that I am aware of. I have occasionally recommended a person for amnesty. I do not recollect any special interview that I have had on the subject. I recollect speaking to him once or twice about the time that he issued his proclamation. I thought myself at that time that there was no reason why, because a person had risen to the rank of General, he should be excluded from amnesty any more than one who had failed to reach that rank. I thought his proclamation all right so far as it excluded graduates * * * * * * * from West Point or from the Naval Academy, | were given by Gen. Sherman to the armies or persons connected with the Government, which surrendered to him? A. Yes, sir; who had gone into the rebellion; but I did to all the armies that surrendered after that. not see any reason why a volunteer who happened to rise to the rank of General should be excluded any more than a Colonel. I recollect speaking on that point. Neither did I see much reason for the twenty thousand dollar clause. These are the only two points that I remember to have spoken of at the time. I afterward, however, told him that I thought he was much nearer right on the twenty thousand dollar clause than I was. * * * * * * * Q. Did you give your opinion to the President that his proclamation interfered with the stipulations between yourself and Gen. Lee? A. No, sir. I frequently had to intercede for Gen. Lee and other paroled officers, on the ground that their parole, so long as they obeyed the laws of the United States, protected them from arrest and trial. The President at that time occupied exactly the reverse grounds, viz: that they should be tried and punished. He wanted to know when the time would come that they should be punished. I told him not so long as they obeyed the laws and complied with the stipulation. That was the ground that I took. Q. Did you not also insist that that applied as well to the common soldier? A. Of course, it applied to every one who took the parole: but that matter was not canvassed, except in case of some of the leaders. I claimed that, in surrendering their armies and arms, they had done what they could not all of them have been compelled to do, as a portion of them could have escaped. But they surrendered in consideration of the fact that they were to be exempt from trial so long as they conformed to the obligations which they had taken; and they were entitled to that. Q. You looked on that in the nature of a parole, and held that they could only be tried when they violated that parole? A. Yes; that was the view I took of the question. Q. That is your view still? A. Yes, yes; unquestionably Q. Did you understand that to apply to General Lee? A. Certainly. Q. That was your understanding of the arrangement which you made with Gen. Lee? A. That was my understanding of an arrangement which I gave voluntarily. Gen. Lee's army was the first to surrender, and I believed that with such terms all the rebel armies would surrender, and that we would thus avoid bushwhacking and a continuation of the war in a way that we could make very little progress with, having no organized armies to meet. Q. You considered that the like terms Q. Did you give those views to the President? A. I have stated these views to the President frequently, and, as I have said, he disagreed with me in those views. He insisted on it that the leaders must be punished, and wanted to know when the time would come that those persons could be tried. I told him when they violated their parole. Q. Did you consider that that applied to Jefferson Davis. A. No, sir; he did not take any parole. Q. He did not surrender? A. No, sir. It applied to no person who was capturedonly to those who were paroled. Q. Did the President insist that Gen. Lee should be tried for treason? A. He contended for it. Q. And you claimed to him that the parole which Gen. Lee had given would be violated in such trial? A. I did. I insisted on it that Gen. Lee would not have surrendered his army, and given up all their arms, if he had supposed that after surrender he was going to be tried for treason and hanged. I thought we got a very good equivalent for the lives of a few leaders in getting all their arms and getting themselves under control, bound by their oaths to obey the laws. That was the consideration which I insisted upon we had received. And Q. Do you recollect at any time urging the President to go further in granting amnesty than he had gone in his proclamation? A. Just as I said before, I could not see any reason why the fact of a volunteer rising to the rank of General should exclude him any more than any other grade. with reference to the twenty thousand dollar clause, I thought that a man's success in this world was no reason for his being excluded from amnesty; but I recollect afterward saying to the President that I thought he was right in that particular, and I was wrong. In reference to the other, I NEVER CHANGED MY VIEWS. Q. Did you not give your opinion at all that amnesty ought to be granted to those people to any extent? A. I know that I was in favor of some proclamation of the sort, and perhaps I may have said so. It was necessary to do something to establish civil governments and civil law there. I wanted to see that done, but I do not think I ever pretended to dictate what ought to be done. Q. Did you not advise? A. I do not think I ever did. I have given my opinions, perhaps, as to what has been done, but I do not think I advised any course myself any more than I was very anxious to see something done to restore civil governments in | are you in favor of nigger suffrage?" [No those States. * * * There were no gov-response, only vigorous puffs]. "I say, ernments there when the war was over, Ulyss, are you in favor of nigger suffrage?" and I wanted to see some governments estab-"What do you think of it?" inquired the lished, and wanted to see it done quickly. I General, with Yankee shrewdness. The old did not pretend to say how it should be done, or in what form. Q. By Mr. Williams-Did you ever advise the pardon of Gen. Lee? Yes, sir. QWere you ever consulted on that question by the President? A. Gen. Lee forwarded his application for amnesty by me, and I forwarded it to the President, approved. Q. Did you have any conversation about it with the President? A. I do not recollect having any conversation with him on the subject. I think it probable that I recommended verbally the pardon of General Johnston, immediately after the surrender of his army, on account of the address he delivered to his army. I thought it in such good tone and spirit that we should distinguish between him and others who did not appear so well. I recollect speaking of that, and saying that I should be glad if General Johnston received his pardon, on account of the manly manner in which he addressed his troops. Q. By the Chairman-You supposed his pardon would have a good effect? A. Yes; I thought it would have a good effect. Q. By Mr. Marshall-I understand you to say that you were very anxious, at the close of the war, that civil governments should be established in some form as speedily as possible, and that you so advised the President. A. I so stated frequently in his pres ence. one states his position: he's for an intelligence qualification, and so on. "Well, now, Ulyss, I've answered your question, I want you to answer mine: Are you in favor of nigger suffrage? If you are, you'll get beat all hollow, with all your popularity, for Ohio went fifty thousand against it, and if she was to vote again on it to-morrow, she'd go a hundred thousand the same way." "I haven't talked politics much for the last five or six years," was the reply of Ulysses, "the Silent." At last accounts the old gentleman was in doubt as to the position of "Ulyss" on negro suffrage. General Grant and Congress. COVINGTON, KY., January 11, 1868. To the Editor of the Pittsburg Commercial : have been here this time, that he approves should stand firm now." * * * * Q. I wish to know whether, at or about the time of the war being ended, you advised the President that it was, in your judg; ment, best to extend all liberal policy toward the people of the South, and to restore as speedily as possible the fraternal relations which existed prior to the war between the words "their own hand," is correct. Then, The extract, down to the two sections? A. I know that immediately in a separate paragraph, the letter proceeded after the close of the rebellion there was a to speak of the defeat of the Republican very fine feeling manifested in the South, and party in the recent State election in CaliforI thought we ought to take advantage of it as soon as possible; but since that there has nia, in relation to which defeat were embeen an evident change. I may have exployed the concluding sentences, viz: "I do hope that this may be owing to local and pressed my views to the President. merely temporary causes," etc. Old Man Grant sounds his boy "Ulyss" on the Subject of Negro Suffrage. The General's father came to town the other day, and stopped with "Ulyss," as he calls his boy, whom he found seated at his fireside, smoking, of course, and surrounded by members of his private and military family. About the first thing the old gentleman did, after shedding his overcoat, was to come at his unpumpable offspring with "Ulyss, * * * * * * * Department, also department orders, are. In introducing this resolution, Mr. hereby expelled from the department within Pendleton demanded the previous twenty-four hours from the receipt of this order by post commanders. question, which was seconded. The rest of the story is thus told by the Globe: They will see that all this class of people are furnished with passes and required to leave; and any one returning after such notification, will be arrested and held in confinement until an opportunity occurs of sending them out as prisoners, unless furnished with permits from these headquarters. On ordering the main question there were-ayes 28, noes 30 (no quorum voting). Mr. Pendleton demanded tellers. Tellers were ordered; and Messrs. Pendleton and Buffington were appointed. The main question was not ordered; the No passes will be given this people to visit headquarters for the purpose of mak-tellers having reported-ayes 41, noes 60. ing personal application for trade permits. By order of Major-General Grant. J. A. RAW LING, A. A. G. Official: J. LOVELL, Capt. and A. A. G. This infamous order was ruthlessly and savagely carried into effect, without discrimination and without delay, in that inclement season of the year. The Evansville Courier remarks, truly: Mr. WASHBURNE (Rad.) This resolution censures one of our best Generals without a hearing, and I move that it be laid upon the table. Mr. HOLMAN demanded the yeas and nays. The yeas and nays were ordered. The question was taken; and it was decided in the affirmative yeas 56, nays 53. This vote, though not so strictly party as the vote on the same proposition in the Senate, was still a party vote. Several ReOur Jewish fellow-citizens are prover-publicans, it is true, voted in the negative; bially industrious, honest, and loyally at- but no Democrats voted in the affirmative. tached to our Government and institutions. Not one. Far from having been in any way identified with armed resistance to the then existing Government, they were found by thousands in the ranks of the Union soldiers, doing good service in the ranks to restore the Union. In the sequel, we are informed that Mr. Pendleton's resolution was lost in the House. In the Senate of the United States Mr. Powell, of Kentucky (Democrat), on the 19th of January, 1862, introduced the following resolution : Resolved, by the Senate of the United States, That the said order of Major-General Grant, expelling the Jews, as a class, from the Department of which he is in command, is condemned as illegal, tyrannical, cruel and unjust, and the President is requested to countermand the same. The above inhuman order was for some time wholly unknown to President Lincoln, who finally rescinded it; but we are impressed with the belief that he was ignorant of the order and its effect, until the following preamble and resolution was offered in Congress by Mr. Pendleton (Dem.), of Ohio: "WHEREAS, On the 17th day of December, 1862, Major-General Grant, commanding the department of the Tennessee, did publish the following order, to-wit: (here followed the above order, verbatim.) And in pursuance thereof did cause many peaceable citizens of the United States, residents in the said department, to be expelled there- Mr. POWELL. I have a motion to make from within twenty-four hours, without al-in regard to it, and I wish it to be read. legation of special misconduct on their part, and on no other proof than that they were members of a certain religious denomination; and, "WHEREAS, The said order, in its sweeping condemnation of a whole class of citizens, without discriminating between the guilty and the innocent, is illegal and unjust, and in its execution is tyrannical and cruel; therefore, "Resolved, That the said order deserves the earnest condemnation of this House, and of the President and Commander-inChief." Mr. HALE. I hope the Senator will not insist on the reading of the resolution. I see by the papers that that order has been rescinded. Mr. HALE. It was read when it was originally offered, and it is not worth while to read it again. Mr. POWELL. I insist on the reading. The Secretary, accordingly, completed the reading of the resolution, whereupon Mr. Powell said: Mr. President-Gentlemen may say, the order having been revoked, it is unnecessary that this body should take any action upon it. That seems to be the intimation of the gentleman from New Hampshire. I look upon the matter otherwise. I have in my possession documents that go to establish There is no excuse for General Grant for the fact beyond the possibility of a doubt | protected in the enjoyment of their religion that the Jews, residents of the city of Pa- by the Constitution of our country. They ducah, Kentucky, some thirty gentlemen in are inoffensive citizens; and it is set forth number, were driven from their homes and in papers that I have before me that two of their business by virtue of this order of the Jews who were expelled had served three Gen. Grant, only having the short notice of months in the army of the United States in four and twenty hours; that the Jewish wo- defense of the Union cause. men and children of that city were expelled under that order; that there was not a Jew issuing the order. It may be said that some left, man, woman, or child, except two women Jews in his department had been guilty of who were prostrate on beds of sickness. I illegal traffic. If so, expel them. I do not have the evidence before me, set forth in a wish to shield a Jew or a Gentile from just petition, and attested by some twelve or punishment for the infraction of the law. fourteen of the most respectable Union citi- He should have directed his order to the zens of the city of Paducah, among others offenders, and should have punished them; the surveyor of the port, that those Jews of but, sir, so far from doing that, he punishes Paducah had at no time been engaged in a whole people as a class; without specific trade within the active lines of Gen. Grant; charge, hearing, or trial, he drives out inthat they had all the while been engaged in offensive, loyal people, men, women and legitimate business at their homes, and that children, from a city far distant from his there was but one Jew, a resident of Padu- headquarters, without giving them the least cah, who had gone out of the State into opportunity to meet and repel charges that the cotton region; and that one was not at might be brought against them. Such conhome, and consequently was not expelled duct is utterly indefensible. I regret that from his residence by this ruthless order. General Grant issued such an order. General Grant's conduct heretofore as a soldier has been that of a brave and gallant officer; he has fought well on many fields; for that I commend him. But while I commend him for his gallant conduct I must censure him for this most atrocious and illegal order. It is inhuman and monstrous. It would be unworthy the most despotic government in the most despotic period of the world's history. Sir, we should rebuke such conduct. I regret that some other less meritorious officer of the army had not issued this order. I regret that General Grant has issued it; but, sir, we owe it to ourselves, we owe it to the civil and religious liberty of the citizen, to put our condemnation upon it. Mr. President, if we tamely submit to allow the military power thus to encroach on the rights of the citizen, we shall be setting a bad and most pernicious example to those in command of our army. We should administer to those in command of our armies the sternest rebuke for such flagrant outrages upon the rights of the citizen. These people are represented by the most respectable citizens of Paducah to be loyal men. Many of them are men who were not engaged in commerce. They were mechanics, attending to their daily avocations at their homes. In my judgment, it is incumbent on this Senate, as the matter is before them, to pass the resolution, and let General Grant and all the other military commanders know that they are not to encroach upon the rights and privileges of the peaceful loyal citizens of this country. Pass the resolution, and the example will be of the greatest importance, particularly at this time, when the constitutional rights of the citizens are being stricken down and trodden under foot throughout the entire country by the executive and military power. We have submitted already too long and tamely to the encroachments of the military upon the civil rights of the citizen. Many of these Jews who were expelled from Paducah were known to me for many years as highly honorable and loyal citizens. This order expels them as a class from the entire department, and prevents them having a pass to approach his person to ask a redress of grievances. General Grant might just as well expel the Baptists, or the Methodists, or the Episcopalians, or the Catholics, as a class, as to expel the Jews. All are alike I think I have couched the resolution in the mildest terms possible. It is my duty, in vindication of the rights of my constitu ents-these Jews who have been so grossly and cruelly wronged-to urge this resolution to its passage. It will be a landmark in the future to teach these military gentlemen that they are not thus to encroach on the civil and religious rights of the citizen, whether he be Jew or Gentile. I should be the last man here who would wish to visit with censure any commander of any department of the army for justly punishing those who had been violators of the law in his department; and I trust I shall be the last to palliate or excuse any commander, however meritorious his conduct in other matters may have been, who thus strikes cruelly and inhumanly at a class of people, driving them from their homes-men, women, and children-upon the shortest notice. Their houses are closed up, and many of their stores, they inform me, are left without an |