to the division of the country into distinct States as "the chief source of stability" to our political system. "It is this," he said, "which is the ground of my consolation for the future fate of my country. Without this, and in case of the consolidation of the States into one great republic, we might read its fate in the history of those which have gone before it." Mr. Rives, in his second volume of the Life of Madison, shows with how much jealousy and alarm the Eastern States in the Convention contemplated the future growth and power of the new States of the West. Mr. Governor Morris, though at that time a delegate of the State of Pennsylvania, was made the spokesman and interpreter of this jealous feeling of the Eastern States. He said: par "He looked forward to that range of new States which would soon be formed in the West. These States will know less of the public interest than the old; will have an interest, in many respects, different; in ticular, will be little scrupulous of involving the country in wars, the burdens and operations of which would fall chiefly on the maritime States. Among other objec tions," he added, "it must be apparent they would not be able to furnish men, equally enlighted, to share in the administration of the common interests. If the Western people get the power into their hands, they will ruin the Atlantic interests." Finally, he said, "seeing the dangers from this quarter, he should be obliged to vote for the vicious principle of equality in the second branch, in order to provide some defense to the Northern States against it, and he also declared that "he thought the rule of rep resentation in the first branch ought to be so fixed as to secure to the Atlantic States the prevalence in the national councils." This hint was immediately taken by Mr. King and Mr. Gerry, of Massachusetts; and the latter, repeating the alarm sounded by Mr. Morris, and declaring that "if the Western States acquire power they will abuse it, will oppress commerce, and draw our wealth into the Western country," actually submitted to the Convention a prop osition that, whatever might be the future population of the new States of the West, "the total number of their representatives shall never exceed the total number of the represenstatives of the old States." This invidious attempt on the part of some of the old States to bind the infant Hercules of the West in perpetual swaddling bands met with an indignant protest from others, and especially from the oldest of them all, Virginia. Col. Mason said: "The new States of the West must be treated as equals, and subjected to no de grading discriminations. They will have the same pride and other passions which we have, and will either not unite with or speedily revolt from the Union, if they are not, in all respects, placed on an equal footing with their brethren." Mr. Madison said: "With regard to the Western States, I am clear and firm in the opinion that no unfavorable distinctions are admissible, either in point of justice or policy." The proposition of Mr. Gerry and Mr. King was rejected-Massachusetts, Connecticut, Maryland and Delaware voting for it; New Jersey, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia against it, and Pennslvania divided. The great principle of the equal right of all the States, says Mr. Rives, to representthe same rule, was thus victoriously and ation in the national councils by one and permanently established in the Constitution tional jealousy or ambition to thwart and against all the efforts and devices of sec defeat it. In September, 1796, we find in Washington's Farewell Address, this language: "The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of rein different ages and countries has perpetravenge, natural to party dissension, which ted the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length The disorders and miseries, which result, to a more formal and permanent despotism. gradually incline the minds of men to seek security in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able turns this disposition to the purposes of or more fortunate than his competitors, his own elevation on the ruins of the public liberty." and repose "An extremity of this kind," he adds, "ought not to be entirely out of sight." Is not this prophetic of the existing condition of things in the nation, and will not the whole prophesy be fulfilled if Grant is elected? but as soon as they do, the benefit inures by a Pennsylvania statesman. These views were not altogether original with Mr. Calhoun; for in his speech on the joint resolution in reference to the Madison Papers, February 20, 1837, he said that He had been much struck with the a sagacity and foresight of Mr. Jefferson, in remark of that great statesman, that legislative usurpation would always precede executive, but that executive would always succeed legislative usurpation. Warnings. Washington left this solemn warning to his countrymen : Mr. He looked upon any interference whatever with the course of judicial action as not only a great indelicacy, but as a most dangerous precedent. The Tenure of Office Bill had virtually destroyed the independence of the Executive Department of the Government, and now this bill was aimed at the Judicial Department. What were the Legislative Department of the country the people to understand? Just this-that of the Government in its own hands into a was determined to consolidate all the powers grand legislative oligarchy; the country to be governed by the legislature, and the legislature to be governed by-the Lord knew who. The Corruption of the Radical Party. WHERE THE PEOPLE'S MONEY GOES- The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the departments all in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. The necessity In a speech in the House of Repreof reciprocal checks in the exercise of the sentatives, January 9, 1868, Mr. Marpolitical power, by dividing and distributing shall, of Illinois, truly said that a majorit into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of public weality of the Federal officials seemed to against invasions by the others, has been have adopted the maxim: evinced by experiments ancient and modern, some of them in our country, and under our own eyes.-[Farewell Address. James Madison said: A little thieving is a dangerous art, The accumulation of all powers, leg-tional Debt is increasing; that high tariffs islative, executive and judiciary, in the and onerous tax bills are fashionable, same hands, whether of one or few, or many, when the party which holds the legisla may be called the definition of tyranny.- tive power of the Government is [Federalist. John Adams said: repre sented by men who bask in fortunes accumulated in forays on the public treasury, and who uphold every dishonest official against the power of removal vested by the Constitution in the President, if he belongs to the dominant party and contributes to its political successes from his ill-gotten gains, and augments the personal fortunes of their party leaders ? A total separation of the Executive from the Legislative power, and of the Judicial from both, and a balance in the Legislature by three independent equal branches, and perhaps the three only discoveries in a constitution of a free government since the istitutions of Lycurgus. * * If not invented by the English nation, they have never been imitated by any other except by their own descendants in America. If there is one Behold, fellow-citizens, the unblushing certain truth to be collected from the history effrontery with which a high man of the of all ages, it is this: that the people's rights Radical party boasts upon the floor of and liberties, and the democratical mixture Congress that he had made the experiin a constitution can never be preserved ment of buying high public officials. without a strong Executive, or, in other Mr. John Covode, of Pennsylvania, said words, without separating the executive in the House of Representatives, in power from the legislative."-[History of Republics. a debate on the Pacific Raiload Bill (we quote from the N. Y. Tribune's reThe present condition of our na-port of the proceedings of May 12, tional affairs was thus painted lately 1868): Mr. Covode (Rep.), Penn., spoke as one having experience in organizing transportation, and declared that railroads in Pennsylvania could afford to carry freight for onethird of what it could be carried for on the Pacific Railroad; one reason being the supply of fuel in Pennsylvania, and the absence. of it along the lines of the Pacific Railroad. The time had not come to fix the tariff of prices on the Pacific Railroad. If he owned the Pacific Railroad he would not hesitate a moment if he wanted to charge exhorbitant prices. He could buy three men cheaper than he could buy two hundred, he had made the experiment [laughter], and knew what could be done with the head of a department. He had acquired some knowledge on the subject at this session. The heads of departments were purchasable if members of Congress were, and should know better than the representatives of the people what the wants of the people were. Mr. Elliot asked Mr. Covode the average price of members of the Cabinet, but the gentleman made no reply. A fit accompaniment to this shameless boast of Mr. Covode, was the declaration of Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, a few days afterward. Certainly, if a man could not be hurt by perjury, stealing would not destroy him: Mr. Ross-I ask the gentleman from Pennsylvania whether, in his opinion, Senators would be justified in perjuring themselves for the purpose of procuring a conviction of the President. Mr. STEVENS-Well, sir, I do not think it would hurt them. FIVE RADICAL SENATORS FOR SALE. Colonel Edmund Cooper, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury, in his examination before the House Managers, was asked whether he had been approached on the subject of using money for acquittal of the President. He answered he had; that a person professing to act on authority of Hon. S. C. Pomeroy, Senator from Kansas, proposed that for $40,000, cash in hand, he (Pomeroy) would control four Radical votes in the Senate and his own, so as to insure the acquittal of the President. The witness professed to doubt his authority, and then the person brought a letter from Senator Pomeroy, dated Senate Chamber, day blank, substantially as follows: fying as to the substance of the letter, saying that he (Butler) would produce it then. Willis Gaylord was then introduced by the person who first called on witness, and read the letter to witness and Gaylord. The person who first came then retired. Thereupon Mr. Gaylord renewed the proposition contained in the letter, namely: $40,000 to secure five votes, and the patronage of the Administration to be thrown in for Pomeroy in the State of Kansas. The witness believed that this proposition from the Senator was intended to entrap him, and, acting under that belief, determined that he would lead them on until he could expose them. The witness assigned as reasons for this belief, that the Senator was a strong partisan; that he felt bitterly toward the President, and that if money was his object, the party to which he belonged was much better able to pay than the Administration. In addition to which, the person, in enumerating the names of Senators which Mr. Pomeroy proposed to control, included the name of Mr. Morton, of Indiana, and witness did not believe such an assertion to be possible. The name of Senator Nye was also included. The interviews with witness were sought by the party professing to act for Senator Pomeroy. He brought letters showing his authority to so act. On this point, the Louisville Journal, which enjoys the reputation of being cautious in its statements, avers that General Steedman offered the Impeachment Managers a dinner if they would examine him, and that he agreed to prove that Senator Pomeroy's vote was offered him for ten thousand dollars. SENATOR POMEROY'S PREVIOUS CHARACTER. The Leavenworth (Kansa Conservative thus enlightens us in regard to Pomeroy's antecedents. It says: แ Pomeroy and his brother-in-law have been in this business of buying and selling before. The first adventure of this kind in Kansas, was in the Legislature of 1861, when he purchased forty-nine Republican members to support him for Senator, over Marcus J. Parrott, and paid them out of the money deposited with him by the generous people of the East, to purchase food and raiment for the starving poor of Kansat. Men are now living in Kansas who Sire: I will, in good faith, carry out any ar-know about the amount paid to each memrangement made with my brother-in-law, Willis Gaylord, to which I am a party. S. C. POMEROY, ber, and who saw a portion of the money paid to the purchased. It appears he is not now in the purchasing line; he is occupying the role of salesman! Kansas! are you Gen. Butler objected to the witness testi- not proud of your Senator?" United States Senate. THURLOW WEED ON THE SAME SUBJECT. In the New York Commercial Advertiser, of the 27th, appears the following from Thurlow Weed, its editor: "What is given of my testimony, with one or two not important errors, is given accurately. It contains nothing to explain or regret. I have neither done an act, nor said a word, in relation to the impeachment and trial of the President, that I would not do and say again. "If the result of my information and observations teaches me anything, it is that Senators Grimes, Fessenden, Fowler, Henderson, Trumbull, Ross and Van Winkle, voted upon their convictions of duty. "In explanation of the propositions made to myself, I have just this to say: "Senator Pomeroy either intended to dispose of three votes (including his own) or he was willing that his friends should use his name to make money; or, as some believe, there was a conspiracy between Butler and Pomeroy to implicate the President, thus obtaining new material for impeach ment. "My reasons for this belief are, that several months since Mr. Leggett, an intimate friend of Senator Pomeroy, wanted the appointment of Postmaster at Leavenworth, Kansas. He was supported by Pomeroy, who wrote a letter which was shown to the Postmaster-General, promising his (Pomeroy's) vote for Presidential confirmation, and his influence against impeachment. The Postmaster-General was furnished with a copy of Senator Pomeroy's letter (copied from the original in his possession), and Leggett received a postal agency. Some three weeks ago Leggett appears before Colonel Cooper with a letter from Senator Pomeroy, saying that he would carry out in good faith any arrangements' made with Mr. Gaylord, who is Pomeroy's brotherin-law; whereupon Leggett and Gaylord undertake, for money, to obtain the votes of Senators Pomeroy, Nye and Tipton. I did not believe that Senators Nye and Tipton had authorized this 'arrangement,' nor did I believe that either of them would vote against the conviction of the President. But I did and do believe that Senator Pomeroy baited the hooks with which his friend Leggett, and his brother-in-law, Gaylord, fished. Whether they caught anything or not I am unable to say. Nothing, certainly, from me, or with my consent. 6 "THURLOW WEED." BEAST BUTLER BLUFFED BY A WITNESS. Mr. Cornelius Wendell being before the Radical Managers for examination แ Butler presented a telegram to the witness, signed "C. W.," and asked him if it Butler threatened to consign him to prison was his. Wendell declined answering, and to keep Woolley company. "No you won't," said Wendell. "You have one white elephant on hand now, and don't know what to do with it; besides, if I tell Do you anything, I shall tell all I know. wish me to do so, General?" Here the witness gave General Butler a significant look, when the latter promptly replied: "No further questions. If the Managers wanted the witness again, they would send for him." WHAT IS IT? Manager Logan, who was present, remarked, aside: "What could witness have known which Butler did not wish told?" That's the question. A RADICAL ORGAN ON THIS SUBJECT. The New York Evening Post, a Radical paper, says that the offer to Mr. Cooper, supposed to come from Mr. Pomeroy, was to sell his own vote and those of Senators Nye and Tipton, for thirty thousand dollars. This offer, if it really deserves so much noise as has been made over it, would certainly indicate that votes were a drug in the market, and that the wealthy Kansas Senator and his friends, in entering on the business, had determined at once to fix their rates so low as to defy competition. For the present, it is safe to decline believing that the proposition was other than a trap set to catch Mr. Johnson, but sprung very curiously on its authors. between the Beast and a witness, supposed | determined that such matters were not a to be Mr. Valkenburgh: Butler was awfully indignant at a charge that he attempted to appropriate a one thou sand dollar bill of Woolley's money. The following is the statement received from the witness: Butler-"What became of the money Woolley left in your hands?" Witness—“I have it in my pocket." Butler-"Produce it, and the papers contained in the envelope." Witness" Here is the money; the papers you can't have." proper subject for investigation by the House. Mr. Donnelly asked their investigation, and Mr. Washburne held himself ready to show the grounds of his allegations with the fullest inquiry by calling witnesses to sustain all his charges. The committee refused, however, to enter upon the investigation, and directed its chairman to ask the House to discharge them from further consideration of the subject. This is cool, considering the manner they spoke of each other, which is well illustrated by the following extract from the speech of Donnelly. He says of Washburne : "If there be in our midst one low, sordid, vulgar soul, of barely mediocre intelligence, Butler received the package of money, and directed the witness to leave the room, which he declined to do, saying he was responsible for the money, and was not wil-one heart callous to every kindly sentiment ling to leave it in Butler's hands. Butler threatened to arrest him. Butler proceeded to count the money, and said, "I find here $16,100." Witness"I'll swear I handed you $17,100." Butler-" Then you had better count it yourself." Witness- "If you will raise that newspaper, I think you will find a thousand dollar bill under it." Manager Logan now, for the first time, interfered and remarked: "Yes, General, I see the corner sticking out." Butler-"Oh, yes! I did not see it." The statement has been made public on authority of the witness, who is a gentleman of known integrity, and the matter is the topic of general conversation. HOW THEY ACCUSE EACH OTHER. washed the affair thus: and every generous impulse, one tongue leprous with slander, one mouth which is like unto a den of foul beasts giving forth deadly odors; if there be here one character which, while blotched and spotted all over, yet raves and rants and blackguards like a prostitute, it is the gentleman from Illinois." This is the man who "carries Ulysses S. Grant in his breeches pocket." HOW A POOR SENATOR BECOMES MYSTERI- Senator Harlan, says the Des Moines Statesman, was not worth one thousand dollars, and was teaching school and preaching a little for his daily bread, when he was elected to the United States Senate twelve years ago. He has lived for four years in a house in Washington City, for which he paid thirty thousand dollars, and the furniture of the house cost twenty thousand dollars; the yearly expenses of his family average from seven to ten thousand dollars a The debate between Donnelly and Washyear; he also has a private residence in burne, two leading Radical members of Mount Pleasant, worth twelve thousand dolCongress, will be remembered for its inde- lars; and all this money-where did it come cency. They charged each other with every from? His salary as Senator has never known crime except murder. An investi- more than half paid his expenses of livgating committee of Radical members white-ing-where did the balance of the money come from? O Senator Harlan, Senator They found, in regard to what took place Harlan, you are a gay deceiver! Under in the House, that Mr. Donnelly withdrew the pretense of laboring to free the nigger, the offensive portions of his speech, and you have burdened your pockets with the disclaimed any imputation upon the hon-root of all evil." Under the guise of a esty, integrity or private character of Mr. minister of the Gospel, you have imposed Washburne, whereupon the latter gentleman withdrew what he said about Donnelly. This disposed of the matter so far as what occurred in the debate was concerned, but left remaining the letter written by Mr. Washburne, which the committee next considered. They found in it no charge of bribery or corruption against Mr. Donnelly, as a member of Congress, but only charges touching his action and character years before he came to Congress, and thereupon taxes upon the people grievous to be borne. The Transactions of a Massachusetts Member of The many charges of corruption which attached to Beast Butler's administra |