upon all the subjects intrusted to Lord Ashburton's negotiation. But I am pained to say that this is far from being the case. Our movement for the last ten days, if any has been made, has been rather backward. The boundary business is by no means in a highly promising state-so many difficulties arise, not only between us and England, but between us and the commissioners, and the commissioners of the two States themselves— and other questions are still less so. I know nothing of Lord Ashburton's recent instructions, but he appears to me, certainly, to be under restraints not heretofore apparently felt by him. What increases the embarrassment and renders a failure more probable, is his great unwillingness to stay longer in the country. The President has desired a personal interview with him, which has been had, and the President has pressed upon him in the strongest manner the necessity of staying till every effort to effect the great object of his mission shall have been exhausted.' The President feels, what all must feel, that if the mission should return, rebus infectis, the relations of the two countries will be more than ever embarrassed.

“I think we have much reason to regret, if not some right to complain, that, in regard to the delicate questions growing out of such cases as that of the Creole, we have been strangely misunderstood. The Lords took up the subject of the Creole, apparently with no accurate knowledge of what had been done or said by us, and argued and decided questions which we had never raised or thought of raising, and that misapprehension seems to have run through all subsequent considerations of the subject. We did not make any demand for fugitive slaves; no such thing; we well know that when slaves get on British ground, they are free. Nor have we ever asked England to enter into any stipulation by treaty which should interfere with this general principle of English law. Nor do we, in the absence of treaty provisions, demand the surrender of fugitives from justice. You quote Lord Aberdeen as saying, 'You do not yourselves give up mutineers to be punished.' Certainly we do not, nor do we surrender other offenders, unless in virtue of special stipulations by treaty. But we think a proper convention for the extradition of offenders charged with high crimes would tend greatly to prevent the commission of such crimes, and to preserve peace and harmony between the two countries. Such a provision would have nothing in it peculiarly advantageous to the United States. Its benefits would be equal and alike to both parties. All along the inland frontier the necessity for some mutual regulation of this kind is severely felt, and cases calling for such regulations are also constantly arising on the high-seas. It is now only a few months since an English subject, charged with mutiny, was demanded of the authorities of Charleston, and could not be surrendered.

+

"It certainly is not becoming between two nations, such as England and the United States, that one should make its territories an asylum for

1 It is a fact, which Mr. Webster Ashburton to remain, was most skil always acknowledged, that President fully and happily used.

Tyler's address, in persuading Lord

the perpetrators of any enormity of violence and blood, who may flee to it from the other. If this state of things continue, its continuance will not be our fault, nor its consequences, whatever they may be, chargeable to our account. It is our desire to establish a fair, just, and well-considered rule for mutual extradition, and the option lies with England to adopt or to reject it. But at any rate we wish to be distinctly understood, and I repeat, therefore, that we do not demand the restitution of fugitive slaves; that, without treaty stipulations to that effect, we do not demand, and shall not demand, the surrender of criminals fleeing from justice. But all this is quite remote from what we firmly hold to be our rights, according to the laws and usages of nations in such cases as that of the Creole. That is to say, that in cases of vessels carried into British ports by violence or stress of weather, we insist that there shall be no interference from the land, with the relation or personal condition of those on board, according to the laws of their own country; that vessels under such circumstances shall enjoy the common laws of hospitality, subjected to no force, entitled to have their immediate wants and necessities relieved, and to pursue their voyage without molestation. It may be hoped that cases giving rise to these questions may not hereafter often occur. I think they will not. Yet, in the present posture of things, I deem it indispensable to the quieting of excited apprehensions, allaying resentments, and giving just security for the future, that some regular stipulation be entered into, or, at least, some authentic declaration given, that the British colonial authorities shall be made to respect the rules which usually regulate the intercourse of friendly states, their citizens, and subjects. No man can well doubt the necessity of this, who has taken notice of certain recent judicial proceedings in the Bahama Islands.

"I understand you to say, in your last private letter, that, in conversation on this subject with Lord Aberdeen, his lordship said that we must guard ourselves against occurrences of the kind under consideration, by 'convoy.' I do not comprehend him, and possibly you misunderstood his expression. He could not mean, certainly, that, in time of peace, a government should convoy its own coasting trade, or any part of it, or that convoy was a natural security against those accidents at sea which sometimes compel vessels to enter the ports of another nation.

"A general feeling prevails in this country at the present moment, no doubt, both North and South, that all questions will be amicably settled through the agency of Lord Ashburton's mission. His lordship's frank and candid manner, his great intelligence and practical ability, and the apparent justness and moderation of his views and principles, have conspired to conduct the public mind to this conclusion, and that public mind desires that result, and the country is preparing itself for the state of things which will naturally follow it. But if the negotiation fail, if unexpected obstacles be interposed, if what has been considered quite reasonable and moderate be not attained, if the boundary question be put into another endless series of surveys, explorations, arbitrations, and um

pirages, if we are left only to understand that our coasting trade through the Bahama Channel can no otherwise enjoy ordinary safety than as we put it under convoy, a mission, the institution of which was hailed as a bright harbinger of the restoration of perfect amity and harmony between the two countries, and in the conduct of which I am sure the best disposition has prevailed, will only have terminated in leaving things much worse than it found them. I hardly see how this bad result is to be prevented, unless we can succeed in beseeching Lord Ashburton to delay his return another month, in the hope that the cloud on his brow may be dissipated by the next communication from home.

“I have marked this letter private, as it is in answer to a private letter of yours; but the substance and effect of it ought, perhaps, to be made known to Lord Aberdeen; notwithstanding that his lordship may receive communications from Lord Ashburton, covering similar accounts of the sentiments entertained here, and the state of things existing.

"I am, dear sir, always faithfully yours,

"D. WEBSTER."

Notwithstanding the arduous duties of this year, Mr. Webster kept up a constant correspondence with his Marshfield agent, in which the treatment of every field, down to the most minute of the operations of farming, was duly directed. Marshfield, in truth, was never absent from his thoughts for many hours, even amidst the greatest affairs of state. To write and to receive letters about what was going on there, was his recreation while absent. Once in the course of this spring he managed to be there for a short time. This purpose he announced in a humorous letter to Mrs. Edward Curtis; and, after he had been there some days, he sent to the same lady that graphic description of the place, which has been heretofore published in his printed correspondence, but which may well be repeated here.

[TO MRS. EDWARD CURTIS, AT NEW YORK.]

(Private. Be particular.)

"WASHINGTON, May 4, 1842.

"MY DEAR LADY: I must tell you, as one of the secrets of diplomacy, but a secret which all the world, I believe, already knows, that I am to be your way two or three days hence, on a flying visit to Massachusetts. The 'candid public' suppose, doubtless, that I am going to confer with Governor Davis and others on the boundary question, to consult the shipping interest of the North about the right of search, etc., whereas I am really

going for the change, to get away from my table for a few days, see a few friends in New York, as many in Boston, and, as the great object of all, see Seth Peterson, and catch one trout. I shall probably arrive in New York late in the evening, and shall go to the Astor House. The Boston boat not going till evening of the next day, I shall have a long morning. My purpose is to avoid seeing people, and so I shall set out to go to Morrisania, but shall be very likely, nevertheless, to stop at your house, and if you can keep your husband at home we can have a little talk. I will give him notice, if possible, one day previous to my departure. In truth, I am waiting principally for news from Rhode Island.

I have a number of things to talk over with Mr. Curtis. I believe he will live a thousand years, and triumph over all his enemies.

"My wife is well. The two boys are well. Edward is going to be somebody, if one of the Miss Bayards does not deprive him of intellect. They are beautiful girls; but still, the mother is like the mother of mankind: "The fairest of her daughters, Eve;'

see Milton, not Shakespeare. They have all gone to in June.

but to return

"But, to resume the thread of my discourse-by-the-way, threads often become long yarns-Caroline is well; her babies are well; and Master Dan is another Judge Story. Mrs. Fletcher is well; the nurse is well; we are all well, down even to my noble collection of cacklers in the poultry yard. But the season advances; summer is coming, according to the almanac, and yet our only warmth is before a good fire. But still, as May is here, and June in sight, we all begin to think of flight! It is merciful in Providence to change the seasons so that men, and even women too, may find some excuse for change also.

"Mrs. Webster talks of New York and Boston; Julia, of Marshfield; Caroline, of Nahant, Newport, Watertown; Fletcher, of staying where he is; Edward, of Marshfield. Adieu, I must close this letter in two and a half minutes or lose the mail. Read Poindexter; such men as 'Curtis and Webster.' "Yours,

"DANIEL WEBSTER."

[TO MR. FLETCHER WEBSTER.]

"MARSHFIELD, Saturday Morning, May 21, 1842, half-past 4.

"MY DEAR SON: I had a note from you last evening, and am glad all are well at the department. I am recruiting in health and strength very fast, and find it most delightful to be here. Julia and her husband are with me. The weather has been cold and we had a frost last night. The grass is white on the lawn this moment; I fear injury to the fruit.

"Marshfield never looked so well. Peterson and I have talked over politics. He says the fault is in Congress; that Mr. Tyler is not to blame

for being President, and that they ought to take right hold, man fashion, and do up the public business.

"I am going out this morning to wet a line. My chief concern is about your mother's health. Julia wrote her last night, and I shall write to-morrow.

"Show her this. I wish most earnestly she was here; she would soon be well. You mention that she has had recourse to the physicians. I shall be hastening back, if I do not hear of her being better soon.

"Pray show these letters to the President; they prove that Maine is doing well. I have attended to that business thoroughly.

"Yours,

“P. S.—I care nothing for such fellows as G—— D▬▬▬.”

[TO MRS. EDWARD CURTIS.]

(Two sheets of confidential matter.)

"D. W.

"MARSHFIELD, May 26, 1842.

“DEAR MRS. CURTIS: You are one of those unfortunate persons who have not seen Marshfield. It would be cruel to speak of its beauties, if your fate, in this respect, were irreversible. But as you may, and I trust do, cherish the hope of one day beholding it, I must prepare you for something like an ecstasy. And yet a single sight would hardly produce

that effect. Superficial observers see nothing in Marshfield but rocks, and sands, and desolation; as one uninitiated runs his eye over the picture of an old master, and wonders what folks can see that is pleasing in such a grim and melancholy looking thing. Marshfield is to be studied. Do not come, therefore, without weeks before you. Some may tell you that