JUNIUS. STAT NOMINIS UMBRA. VOL. II. LONDON: PRINTED BY T. BENSLEY; FOR VERNOR AND HOOD, BIRCHIN-LANE. 1794. LETTERS OF JUNIUS. LETTER XXXVII. ΤΟ THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER. SIR, I 19 March, 1770. BELIEVE there is no man, however indifferent about the interefts of this country, who will not readily confess that the fituation to which we are now reduced, whether it has arisen from the violence of faction, or from an arbitrary system of government, justifies the most melancholy apprehenfions, and calls for the exertion of whatever wifdom or vigour is left among us. The King's answer to the remonftrance of the city of London, and the measures fince adopted by the ministry, amount to a plain declaration, that the principle on which Mr. Luttrell was feated in the House of Commons, is to be fupported in all its confequences, and carried to its utmoft extent. The fame spirit which violated the freedom of election now invades the declaration and bill of rights, and threatens to punish the subject for exercifing a privilege hitherto undisputed, of petitioning the crown. The grievances of the people are aggravated by infults; their complaints not merely difregarded, but checked by authority; and every one of those acts against which they remonftrated, confirmed by the King's decifive approbation. At fuch a moment no honeft man will remain filent or inactive. However diftinguished by rank or property, in the rights of freedom we are all equal. As we are Englishmen, the leaft confiderable man among us has an intereft equal to the proudeft nobleman in the laws and conftitution of his country, and is equally called upon to make a generous contribution in fupport of them; whether it be the heart to conceive, the understanding to direct, or the hand to execute. It is a common cause, in which we are all interested, in which we fhould all be engaged. The man who deserts it at this alarming crifis is an enemy to his country, and, what I think of infinitely lefs importance, a traitor to his Sovereign. The fubject who is truly loyal to the chief magistrate will neither advise nor fubmit to arbitrary measures. The city of London have given an example which, I doubt not, will be followed by the whole kingdom. The noble spirit of the metropolis is the life-blood of the state, collected at the heart: from that point it circulates with health and vigour through every artery of the conftitution. The time is come when the body of the English people muft affert their own caufe: confcious of their strength, and animated by a sense of their duty, they will not furrender their birthright to ministers, parliaments, or kings. The city of London have expreffed their fentiments with freedom and firmness; they have spoken truth boldly; and, in whatever light their remonftrance may be represented by courtiers, I defy the most subtle lawyer in this country to point out a single instance in which they have exceeded the truth. Even that affertion, which we are told is most offenfive to parliament, in the theory of the English conftitution, is strictly true. If any part of the representative body be not chofen by the people, that part vitiates and corrupts the whole. If there be a defect in the reprefentation of the people, that power which alone is equal to the making of the laws in this country is not complete, and the acts of parliament under that circumstance are not the acts of a pure and entire legislature. I speak of the theory of our conftitution; and, whatever difficulties or inconveniencies may attend the practice, I am ready to maintain, that, as far as the fact deviates from the principle, fo far the practice is vi, |