send messengers to disclose his will; but there came an hour when he made bare his own right arm for the salvation of men. In the person of Jesus Christ he entered into union with humanity. Before the eyes of wondering saints and angels the marvelous spectacle appeared of Immanuel-God with uswalking over the stony pathway of mortal existence and climbing the toilsome slope of Calvary, that by an unparalleled selfsacrifice he might redeem the race. In the cross of Christ love found its loftiest illustration. The Christian conception of God measures the sublime condescension displayed in the atonement by the distance between the glory of Jehovah's throne and the ignominy of a shameful crucifixion. No greater selfhumiliation than this was possible. It challenges the wonder and admiration of heaven and earth. The amazing fact stands out in solitary grandeur, unapproached and unapproachable.

The conception of the divine nature thus outlined is worthy of Him who fills immensity with his presence. It offers a satisfactory explanation of world experience. Before it a pagan notions stand rebuked and discredited. Moral deformity has everywhere characterized the deities of heathenism. They have reflected the temper and disposition of the peoples by whom they have been worshiped. The biblical doctrine rises to an immeasurable height above all the passions and follies of men. It shows a Deity who is the Absolute and Perfect One. As immanent Spirit and holy love he meets the demands of reason and the longings of the human heart. Tested by the influence exerted on character and life, this view of God is the one that deserves to stand. The Christian believer has no cause to apologize for his faith. More and more as men grow in wisdom will they appreciate the scriptural teaching concerning the Creator and Sustainer of all things and be led to bestow on it their sincere approbation.

Willis & Odell

ART. V. THE NEW MUNICIPAL MOVEMENT.

A DISTINCT change of tone is observed in recent discussions of the city problem. The modern city has been called the "plague spot of modern times," the most serious "menace to our civilization," our "impending peril," and other names like these. Long ago Thomas Jefferson branded the city as the "ulcer of our body politic." Francis Lieber characterized the city as "the most perplexing and difficult problem of modern times." De Tocqueville said: "I look upon the size of certain American cities, and especially upon the nature of their population, as a real danger which threatens the security of the democratic republics of the new world." Mr. Bryce declares that "the government of cities is the one conspicuous failure of the United States." Ex-President White, of Cornell, writes it down as his sober judgment that "without the slightest exaggeration, with very few exceptions, the city governments of the United States are the worst in Christendom-the most expensive, the most inefficient, and the most corrupt."

All that is very serious, and especially serious in view of the fact that these "ulcers" and "plague spots" continue to grow and their dangers to increase. People knowing how evil and menacing these great centers are not only remain in them but move to them. The modern Sodom is Sodom, indeed, but immense hosts prefer to take their chances for themselves and their families in the modern Sodom. The great majority prefer urban to rural environment.

There are two ways of regarding the situation. Up to a recent date the evils and perils have had the emphasis. Many have considered the city a necessity, indeed, but also a necessary evil, unhappily destined to be permanent. The municipal pessimist abounds. On the other hand, it is thought by many careful students that, while the evils abound, the remedies are at hand. Many who see that the city is the inevitable order, as Dr. Albert Shaw puts it, hold also that this inevitable order furnishes the best possible condition for us and our descendants. "The present evils of city life are for the most part temporary and remediable. The conditions and circumstances of existence in the modern city can be so adjusted to the needs of the

population as to result in the highest development of the race, physically, intellectually, and ethically." Dr. Parkhurst calls the city "the problem of the devil in a big town." But Guthrie took the optimistic view: "I bless God for cities. Cities have been as lamps of life along the pathway of humanity and religion. Within them science has given birth to her noblest discoveries. Behind their walls freedom has fought her noblest battles. Cities have been the cradles of human liberty. They have been the active centers of almost all Church and State reformation. I cannot regard them either as excrescences or tumors, nor would I destroy them. I bless God for them."

I do not propose to discuss or even to review the evangelistic movements in the cities, but rather the plans of the larger campaign. City missions, institutional churches, and all those benevolent, reformatory, and evangelistic agencies which are so fruitful of good are well understood. But there is a movement, calling itself civic, not religious, which has in it elements of great power and advantage to the efforts called religious. The new movement has several points in its program:

1. It aims to understand the city problem, and then to create a science of municipal administration. Many readers of the Review know that there is now a large and determined body known as the National Municipal League, and that four national conferences for good city government have now been held. Philadelphia, Minneapolis, Cleveland, and Baltimore are the cities thus far honored by this body. Mr. Bryce's indictment of our municipal administration is not at all surprising. National and State administration has been the theme for our past study. Our great text-books have been strong on federal and State lines, but silent or weak on all municipal lines. Our great statesmen have shone in federal or State administration. Our eagle is not a municipal bird. Meantime our cities have grown faster than the skill and wisdom to govern them, and they have been subordinated to State and federal interests in a most harmful and unwise way. The student of civil government during the next quarter century will not know less about the federal Constitution or the rights of States, but he will know more about the science of municipal government. Already some studies adapted for use as text-books have ap peared, and in several colleges and universities provision has

been made for instruction in this science. An abundant literature has already been created, including the reports of the conferences just mentioned, the very valuable volumes by Dr. Shaw upon Municipal Government in Great Britain and Municipal Government in Continental Europe, and many others. The campaign may be called thus far a campaign of education and study. The National Municipal League has not yet fallen into the pitfall of trying to secure an immediate reform of various cities. By comparison, by report, by discussion, by experiment it is earnestly trying to create a science of municipal government and a sentiment in its favor. It proposes, in its own language, "to multiply the numbers, harmonize the methods, and combine the forces of all who realize that it is only by united action and organization that good citizens can secure the adoption of good laws and the selection of men of trained ability and proved integrity for all municipal positions, or prevent the success of incompetent or corrupt candidates for public office; to promote the thorough investigation and discussion of the conditions and details of civic administration, and of the methods for selecting and appointing officials in American cities, and of laws and ordinances relating to such subjects; to provide for such meetings and conferences, and for the preparation and circulation of such addresses and other literature, as may seem likely to advance the cause of good city government." Many other organizations are working toward the same end.

2. The students of municipal government are pretty well agreed that "municipal government is business, not politics." "It now costs more to carry on the city of San Francisco than it does to run the rest of the State" (Outlook, July 11, 1896). The business interests of New York city are much larger than those of the State. Its finances are five or six times as large. The Independent of September 13, 1894, uses these figures concerning New York: "In 1893 the receipts of the city treasury were nearly $92,000,000, the payments almost a million larger, while those of the State for the same period were about $18,000,000." These figures tell their own story. Here is the opportunity for public plunder. Here also is the demand for the largest ability and the most conspicuous character. But up to date no American city has ever been administered as a munic

ipality. Its elections have taken place and its affairs conducted with reference to the State and the nation. Denver has had within the past four years at least two "city hall wars." Under each of them observers could easily distinguish live wires running to the county courthouse, the State house, the United States Senate, and even the White House. It was freely said and nowhere denied that the city's affairs, her offices, her revenues were largely administered with direct reference to a complicated scheme of State and national politics. Men were appointed firemen and others policemen because of services rendered or to be rendered to the governor, the United States senators, and other officers. Appropriations were granted or refused for purely political reasons. Under the stress of public excitement a few men were dismissed, a few officers changed, and the system left undisturbed. This is true of every considerable city in the United States. Meantime the real interests of a city center in the management of finances, the care of streets and parks, good fire and police protection, public health, public improvements, libraries, law and order, art and education, commerce and houses. Ard these, per se, have nothing to do with such interesting questions as the tariff, the Cuban question, a new navy, or even the silver question. Party lines seem to be necessary. No attack is made upon them here. It is only contended that, since municipal affairs are such purely business affairs, they should be conducted on a business basis. The national parties should, as parties, keep their hands off city affairs. In cities the lines of cleavage should be different. The expen. siveness and inefficiency of city governments are largely due to the fact that the public money is appropriated and squandered for purely political purposes. The president of an excise board in a large city recently said to a friend: "I have been appointed by the governor to this office. I shall make the department the most complete political machine for the governor's benefit the city has ever seen." It is easy to see what the policy of such an officer must be. He will not be interested in economy, for the larger his funds the more agents he can employ. He will be more anxious to secure men with political efficiency than those capable of doing their real work. And the city pays the bills. The "regular ticket" will have the right of way. Says Mr. Bryce again: