The world is engaged in a struggle between two ways of life. Those of us who believe in freedom must be consistent in that belief and in its application if we would win the cooperation of those vast numbers of people who are now undecided as to what course they should take.

Three out of every four persons on this earth have never lived. They have merely existed. In Africa and Asia they are stirring. The ferment of revolt against the imperialisms which kept them in bondage may turn against us if we become identified with such practices.

We are, in our friendship with Great Britain, in tacit support of Irish partition. Many centuries ago the Irish became the victims of British aggression, in no way different from the fate of those nations that have been subjugated by Russia in our times. The fact that the Irish have won independence for most of their island does not solve the whole question.

As long as the British hold on to the six northern counties of Ulster, the wrong persists, and as long as we fail to exert every ounce of pressure-in the name of freedom and a united Ireland-we shall stand indicted before the world as falling far short of our splendid aspirations.

Africans and Asians and every down-trodden people are measuring us in our new role of leadership. They are balancing our actions with our words to see if they place their faith in us and go along with us. Our complacency on the issue of a divided Ireland will not win their confidence and support. It will link us with a decadent imperialism of which they want no part. That has already been brought out here by Congressman Fogarty, stating to you here in the committee that we have been complacent over some period of time.

This could be disastrous for the cause of freedom.

The collective security of the north Atlantic area needs England, France, and Holland-but without liabilities of nineteenth century imperialism in this changing era when subject peoples are rightfully demanding their share of independence and opportunity.

Our alliance with England is unfortunately jeopardized by millions of Americans who bitterly resent Britain's refusal to restore to Ireland the county or counties which rightfully belong to her.

If the principle of divide and conquer is still a part of British policy, it may well backfire in this case, when it alienates the sympathy of so many Americans.

Communism will exploit every weakness in our armor, and this is one of them. We who speak for freedom must practice it, or the hundreds of millions of people in this world who are finding their voice and their power will turn away from us and be lured into the fatal embrace of communism.

The forced and unnatural division of Ireland plays right into the hands of the Kremlin. From Burma to Ethiopia its propagandists can point to the stubbornness of imperalism and claim that it is condoned by the United States.

At the same time, partition injures Ireland, Britain, and the United States.

American taxpayers are sacrificing much to save England. England in turn is spending $150,000,000 a year to subsidize partition,

and I believe that some of this finds its way indirectly from the pockets of men and women here whose ancestors fled from the famines and persecutions from which Ireland suffered under British conquest. Small wonder that there is a rising demand in the United States for an end to this cruel injustice.

Ireland is largely an agricultural nation. It needs the industries. of its several countries to give it a balanced economy. Until this inevitable result is realized, both Ireland and England will suffer, and there will be no neighborliness between them.

The issue of partition has become an international question. It has become a test as to how soon and how well the western world can solve those old problems which stand in the way of progress. Stand-pat attitude will not suffice.

The people of the world, who are emerging from bondage to others, need fresh and inspiring leadership. They want facts, not words. Democracy must prove itself to them by its performance, or be rejected.

Britain is not helping us to win the cooperation of the millions who are hungry for real freedom by her denial of it to the whole of Ireland.

We shall not have unity in our opposition to the danger of communism while we withhold from any people the right to govern themselves through a freely elected assembly.

The people of Ulster (or Northern Ireland) do not have that genuine right today. It is being defeated by subtle pressures and ingeniously contrived political maneuvers that mock a clear expression of public opinion.

I believe that the English people themselves, motivated by the belief in liberty for which they sacrificed so much to win, favor the immediate unification of all Ireland. But their government, in matters outside England proper, lags behind the times.

In order to clear up this unfortunate situation, I recommend the enactment of House Joint Resolution 59, providing for an American Joint Commission to assist in the unification of Ireland.

For the foregoing reasons I urge that it be

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States is hereby requested to appoint, within thirty days from the date of enactment of this joint resolution, a commission of ten members to be known as the American Joint Commission, and to authorize and direct the members of such Commission (a) to consult with the British Government and make such arrangements as shall be necessary to meet with representatives of the British Government, either in the United States or in Great Britain, to consider and to recommend an immediate and final settlement of the Irish question leading to the abolition of the border between the north and south of Ireland, and (b) to sign on behalf of the people of the United States a settlement agreed on between the representatives of the United States and Great Britain.

This is a dynamic opportunity for two great nations to solve a problem with honor and justice. It will strengthen the cause of freedom the world over by fully recognizing the rights of the Irish people who stand second to none in their devotion to our common

cause.

That is the end of my statement, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, for which I am indeed grateful for this opportunity to present. I know that you have many other speakers here from the Congress and many other speakers representing State and

National organizations interested in this Irish movement who are desirous of being heard at some length. For that reason I conclude my remarks at this time.

Mr. JAVITS. I would like to introduce into the record an original memorial from the Legislature of the State of New York, being Resolution No. 121, by Mr. Roman, who is the assemblyman from my district. It memorializes the Congress to adopt my resolution expressing itself against Irish partition and for Ireland's unification. The New York State Legislature recommends my resolution, but I have no pride of authorship in that. I would like to put this into the record.

Mr. MANSFIELD. Without objection, it will be inserted in the record. (The memorial referred to is as follows:)

Hon. JACOB K. JAVITS,

House Office Building, Washington, D. C.

THE ASSEMBLY,
STATE OF NEW YORK,
Albany, April 21, 1950.

MY DEAR CONGRESSMAN JAVITS: I am enclosing herewith resolution which was adopted by the New York State Legislature.

Very truly yours,

OSWALD D. HECK.

STATE OF NEW YORK-IN ASSEMBLY

ALBANY, March 22, 1950.

[Resolution No. 121, by Mr. Roman]

Concurrent resolution of the senate and assembly memorializing Congress to adopt resolution for a plebiscite in Ireland under the auspices of the United Nations Whereas it is essential for the United Nations to encourage a peaceful, prosperous, and United Ireland without imposing any particular form of political or economic association upon its people; and

Whereas the maintenance of international peace and security requires settlement of the question of the unification of Ireland and that all Ireland, including the people of Eire as well as those of Northern Ireland should have an opportunity to express their free will for or against union; and

Whereas there is pending in the United States House of Representatives a resolution, House Resolution No. 463, favoring a plebiscite of all the people of Ireland under the auspicies of a United Nations Commission for Ireland, to be designated by the General Assembly pursuant to articles 11 and 35 of the United Nations Charter, the objective being to establish terms and conditions upon which Ireland would be admitted as a member of the United Nations, and the adherence of Ireland to the Atlantic Pact: Now, therefore, be it

Resolved (if the senate concur), That the Congress of the United States be, and it hereby is, respectfully memorialized to speedily adopt the resolution, House Resolution No. 463, now pending in the House of Representatives or a similar resolution to bring about a plebiscite of all the people of Ireland under the auspices of the United Nations; and be it further

Resolved (if the senate concur), That copies of this resolution be transmitted to the President of the United States, the Secretary of the Senate of the United States, the Clerk of the House of Representatives of the United States, and to each Member of Congress of the United States duly elected from the State of New York, and that the latter be urged to devote themselves to the task of accomplishing the purposes of this resolution.

By order of the assembly.

In Senate, March 22, 1950. Concurred in without amendment.

ANSLEY B. BORKOWSKI, Clerk.

WILLIAM S. KING, Secretary.

Mr. JAVITS. I request permission to put into the record by unanimous consent a resolution of the Building Service Employees, International Union of New York, Local 32B.

Mr. MANSFIELD. Without objection, it is so ordered.

(The resolution referred to is as follows:)

BUILDING SERVICE EMPLOYEES INTERNATIONAL UNION,

Hon. JACOB K. JAVITS,

NEW YORK LOCAL NO. 32B, New York, N. Y., April 21, 1950.

House of Representatives, House Office Building,

Washington, D. C.

HONORABLE SIR: The enclosed resolution was adopted unanimously by the joint executive board of local 32B, of the Building Service Employees' International Union, A. F. of L., at its regular meeting held in New York City on April 20, 1950.

Local 32B is a labor organization consisting of 36,000 organized wage earners of every race, creed, color, and nationality in the city of New York, and the resolution mentioned above expresses the feelings of this vast group of American workers.

We therefore urge you to support House Resolution 270, that was introduced in the House of Representatives by Congressman John E. Fogarty, on June 28, 1949.

Sincerely and respectfully yours,

DAVID SULLIVAN, President.
THOMAS G. YOUNG, Secretary.

RESOLUTION OF THE BUILDING SERVICE EMPLOYEES INTERNATIONAL UNION, NEW YORK LOCAL No. 32B

Whereas it is the inalienable right of every nation in a civilized Christian society to establish the form of government under which its people shall live and be governed; and

Whereas the people of Ireland collectively, should have the right to determine their own destiny and the form of government under which they desire to live; and

Whereas, after many years, the people of Ireland have fashioned an instrument of government modeled upon our own American Constitution, under which they desire to live in peace and freedom with other nations; and

Whereas their efforts in this respect have been strenuously opposed by a superior military power that has pursued an aggressive policy which has kept the six counties of Northern Ireland from organic and political unity with the other 26 counties of the Republic: Therefore be it

Resolved, That the Joint Executive Board of Local 32B, of the Building Service Employees International Union, A. F. of L., in meeting regularly assembled on this 20th day of April 1950, record its wholehearted endorsement of House Resolution 270, introduced in the House of Representatives of the Eighty-first Congress by Congressman John E. Fogarty, on June 28, 1949.

Mr. MANSFIELD. Our next witness is Judge McGrath, who, like his predecessors, has shown himself to be one of the outstanding friends for a free and united Ireland.

STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER C. MCGRATH, A REPRESENTA

TIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF NEW YORK

Mr. McGRATH. Mr. Chairman and members of this distinguished committee, I was very much impressed, as I think everyone in the room was, by the nonpartisan approach that has been presented here. There is no party political line. I think that everyone is trying to approach this question from a nonpolitical viewpoint and from an approach that is best for America, because what is best for America I think will work out as what is best for Ireland.

Mr. Fogarty, who has presented one of the resolutions and who is one of the outstanding Members of Congress, I think made a very important distinction here today when he pointed out that the Marshall plan was something that was necessary to be continued and it had no connection with partition itself.

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The Fogarty resolution is a very good one, but I believe that the committee with its experience in these questions will select the resolution which, in their good judgment, will be for the best interests of the people of America and the people of Ireland.

When Congressman John Fogarty spoke about communism in Ireland he hit upon an important fact. While I was there last December I was told that there were only 50 Communists in the whole country, and while we are working in this attack to stop communism all over the world, here is a country that has been able to show by its democratic processes in the south of Ireland that communism cannot make any strides.

The relationship of the people of Ireland, not only historically but today, is very close to America. They have a deep and abiding faith in the Government and in the Congress of the United States.

In answer to one of the questions asked here-as to how it would affect the relationship-I think that it would solidify and cement the friendship between America and Ireland, two great liberty-loving peoples.

Secondly, the English Government, as Mr. Fogarty pointed out so well, should be more than anxious to solve this problem. Once it is solved, while the people of Ireland will never forget their 800 years of sufferings any more than we have forgotten our history, yet they will begin to look ahead to the economic development of the country in the next 100 years. It will bring a closer and better relationship between those countries who are trying to fight against communism. The distinguished gentleman from New York, Mr. Javits, asked a very significant question when he inquired about the economic effect of the end of partition. Southern Ireland has a national economy that is very sound, and of course that economic condition will become better as there is integration between the north and the south.

In December there were only 54,000 people unemployed in the south of Ireland, which is a very negative number, but yet, if the country were united, I am sure that even this small number of unemployed would not be present.

Now, Ireland has two great airports, as the distinguished gentleman from New York knows, the one at Shannon and the one at Dublin. A great effort is being made to internationalize the airport at Dublin. That would be an important factor were any trouble to develop. I hope, however, that there will not be, but these airports would be very important to our defense.

When Mr. Fogarty made the amendment to the basic legislation on ECA the other day, along with my distinguished colleague from New York, Mr. Rooney, and many others, and when we voted for that, we had in mind what was best for America, and we foresaw that the partition question would be brought to the floor.

I have been asked by my colleagues, Mr. Buckley of New York; Mr. Isadore Dollinger, of New York; and Mr. Chester Gorski, of Buffalo, N. Y.; and Anthony J. Tauriello to express their position favoring a united Ireland. Mr. Walter Lynch, of New York, is also strongly in favor of the end of partition.

Mr. Chairman, I wish to thank you for your reference to me, and I wish to thank Judge Ribicoff for his reference, and I am sure that from this committee there will come something that will be best for America and at the same time will be best for Ireland.