Lincoln fought against this principle and saved the Nation. Ireland is fighting today against the same principle and invites the support of all freedom-loving peoples in this, her just cause.

The partitioned area of Ireland never was an entity before the passage of the Partition Act in the British Parliament. It is not Ireland's ancient Province of Ulster which comprises nine counties. It has no natural boundaries. It has no unity within itself. In fact, within the partitioned area there was and is a majority in 41⁄2 countries for freedom and for unity with the rest of Ireland.

Ireland's claim to the restoration of her six northeast counties is not made with any bitterness for past wrongs. She claims this area as part of her national territory and she feels that perpetual interference in her internal affairs by an outside power sets an example destructive of the rule of law among the nations. Partition gravely injures both parts of Ireland; it injures Britain too, for as long as it lasts Britain cannot sustain her claim to stand for democracy in western Europe.

We, therefore, ask your honorable body to act favorably on this resolution, not only because of the justice of the claim of the Irish Nation but also because of the close friendship that has always existed between the Irish and American people. We would wish Americans everywhere to keep well in mind the loyalty of men and women of Irish birth and extraction to this-our Nation in all its struggles since its beginning.

They were among the most enthusiastic supporters of Washington and Lincoln. Their names may be found on the roster of all our wars for the preservation of democracy both here and throughout the world. And it is not too much to say that when some chronicler pauses in the future to dwell on the virtues and deeds of Americans from 1776 up to the closing hours of the twentieth century, he will look in loving admiration upon the talents and traits of those of Irish blood who have found and fought to preserve here that freedom of thought and liberty of action which have been denied their fathers for 800 years, who love this Republic and its institutions next only to their God, and who have found happiness and the fulfillment of all their earthly hopes in the enduring glory of these United States of America.

I would also like to introduce Thomas O'Brien and Hugh Heaney who accompany me.

Mr. MANSFIELD (presiding). The next witness is Mr. Robert Herbst. Mr. Herbst.

STATEMENT OF ROBERT VAN CORTLANDT HERBST

Mr. HERBST. My name is Robert Van Cortlandt Herbst. I made a study of Irish partition in March 1948. I studied this for a thesis at college and did it from a scientific angle.

A scientist wishing to study a disease first determines the cause by isolating the infection and studying it in its undiluted, pure form. So, too, with the study of political questions where there is a real conflict-a conflict of principles-or more accurately, contradiction of a principle. Very often, however, a purely academic border question is confused with this conflict of principles, and may even be intermingled with it. On the continent of Europe that is possible, so that

the question involving the conflict of principles must first be washed of the academic questions which are merely a matter of correct definition.

In the case of Ireland, however, where there is no doubt of the natural border of the sea, we have not a muddied case of border question per se, but the conflict of principles in a pure form-between the principle of nationality on one hand and the principle of the garrison on the other.

Ireland has always been considered one-up to 1920, that is. That it was a nation was proved by a long and continuous struggle in which Protestants from the North spearheaded the movement in its present form. Thus it is an all inclusive nationalism including everything within the well defined boundary of the ocean.

Against this principle of nationality is the principle of the garrison. The British plantation formed a garrison in Ireland, but the territory it inhabited was never considered a separate entity-but as a garrison in Ireland as a whole. As a garrison could best be described as a settlement ruling a country without taking part in its life, it is a negation of the principle of nationality.

My purpose in dealing so much with the theory behind partition is to show why the Government of Ireland Act, 1920, which partitioned Ireland in such a way as to give the garrison full recognition could not result in peace.

The 34-percent Nationalist population of northern Ireland complain about how they are discriminated against in the securing of government jobs, in the obtaining of houses, in gerrymandering, etc. The justification given for such action is that they have no desire to keep the northern Ireland border. And that is correct, for they are against the border. But how can they subscribe to an entity whose national holiday is sectarian in nature and which serves only to keep the "loyal" Protestant majority united against them until the following year? Their only crime is to know the full history of the land they live in, and to believe that nationality is an all inclusive idea. How natural it is, then, that the partition automatically makes them traitors— and they are treated as such.

What all this shows is that an expedient justification of a negative principle weakens a true principle in this case the principle of nationality. I want it understood that what I mean by nationality is not the egotistical Rheingold god nationalism which is something in itself, but rather the feminine nationalism-that which helps give birth to all the individual enterprises. You will find its purest vision in the form of a woman as Kathleen Ni Hooeihan, Dark Roseleen, etc.—those visions which stick out despite the long subjection of the people.

It is therefore my opinion that any question concerning partition should be decided by Ireland as a whole; and support the House Resolution 529 and Senate Resolution 240 as the best statements of my stand.

Thank you.

Mr. MANSFIELD (presiding). I have here statements in behalf of the measures before the committee by Hon. John F. Kennedy and Arthur G. Klein, which will be incorporated in the record at this point.

(The statements referred to are as follows:)

STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN F. KENNEDY, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN SUPPORT OF HOUSE RESOLUTION 270

Mr. Chairman, I want to add my voice to the many others which have been heard in support of House Resolution 270.

In view of our American tradition of liberty and democratic processes and in view of the glorious pages which men and women of Irish descent have written into our Nation's history, I believe that justice will be served in great measure if all of the people of Ireland are given the opportunity to choose their own form of government.

The free plebiscite, as suggested in the resolution under consideration, will give the Irish people that opportunity.

Hon. JOHN KEE,

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Washington, D. C., April 28, 1950.

Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,

House of Representatives. Washington, D. C.

DEAR MR. CHAIRMAN: To my deep and sincere regret, other commitments prevent my appearing before your committee today in behalf of House Resolution 270, by the gentleman from Rhode Island, Mr. Fogarty, which would formally record the sentiment of this House that the Republic of Ireland should embrace the entire territory of Ireland unless the clear majority of all the people of Ire land, in a free plebiscite, determine and declare to the contrary.

I hope that you and the members of your committee will accept this statement in lieu of a personal appearance in vigorous support of the resolution, and will incorporate it in the record of hearings.

Mr. Chairman, there are at least three profound issues in the world on which true Irishmen and Jews unite with no single word of disagreement: The establishment and maintenance of a Jewish national homeland in Palestine (now a happily accomplished fact in the Republic of Israel); the unification and freedom of Ireland; and the Ku Klux Klan.

Perhaps I should have included a fourth issue, which is really an emotion: A hatred for the brutality of British imperialism.

Jews and Irishmen have suffered alike at the hands of the masters of British foreign policy, and they have suffered in the same way, in loss of life and liberty, in intellectual degradation, in frustration of national aspirations.

The Englishman at home may be a cheerful, tolerant chap appreciative of the brilliance and irony of the Irish and the Jews; abroad he is a heartless conniver, an oppressor, a jailer, sometimes a complacent murderer of human beings and human hopes.

Unfeeling exploitation of subject peoples has been the keystone of British foreign policy for so many centuries that the origin of the policy is virtually lost in the mists of antiquity; but the bloody spoilation of Ireland and the consistent policy of insult to its proud people has been carried to its greatest depths since the Cromwell Commonwealth, just as the long history of exploitation and broken promises to the Jews has shown increasing virulence since that time; and just as the Ku Klux Klan is the spiritual descendant of the harsh bigotry, authoritarianism, and intolerance of the Roundheads.

I am not the first to point to the close parallel in history of the Irish and the Jews, nor is this the first or the last time that I have made the point; wherever a free-willed people have been held in oppressive captivity by force, the strong sympathy of Irish and Jews has rushed forth out of the depths of their common experiences.

There are a few Jews who are cool to the idea of a Jewish state; and I suppose there are a few Irishmen who are cool toward unification of Ireland; but, with no derogation of the patriotism of Jews and Irishmen who owe fealty to the United States, they must be few indeed.

The Republic of Israel exists today; and the Republic of Ireland exists today. The major step has been accomplished in spite of British perfidy. Our only remaining anxiety is to insure the sovereign safety of both. While British imperialism maintains its despotic sway in North Ireland, the Irish Republic cannot be wholly free or wholly safe; while British imperialism continues to

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furnish arms and aid to the enemies of Israel, that republic cannot be wholly safe or wholly free.

I am certain, Mr. Chairman, that a majority sentiment exists in this House for the purposes of House Resolution 270; I hope, and I urge, that the resolution be reported favorably, in the belief that it will be adopted by acclaim to renew the pledge of sympathy of our America to all who seek after freedom.

Respectfully yours,

ARTHUR G. KLEIN, M. C.

Mr. MANSFIELD (presiding). The next witness is Mr. Maguire.

STATEMENT OF JOSEPH MAGUIRE

Mr. MAGUIRE. My name is Joseph Maguire, I am a resident of New York City.

Mr. JAVITS. And I might say a constituent of mine.

Mr. MAGUIRE. I am a constituent of Mr. Javits. This is the first time I have had the pleasure of meeting the gentleman under these auspicious circumstances. I have been a naturalized citizen, Mr. Chairman, for the last 25 years. I am a member of the Resident Liquor Dealers' Association of New York, a past president. I am past president of the County Commanders Association of New York. I am a member of the executive committee of the American League for an Undivided Ireland in New York. I come to speak in favor of the Fogarty resolution.

I might say I have a unique position here in that I am the first witness coming before you to testify, coming from that part of Ireland known now as the six counties. I was born and bred and raised in the county of Fermanagh, which lies directly in the center of that little corner that you see marked off there in the six counties of Northern Ireland.

I am quite familiar with the mechanics and the workings of the British Government in that part of Ireland.

I not only speak for my American friends, Mr. Chairman, but I too speak for the minority in that part of Ireland. I have kept very close to them all down through the years. Not a day goes by that I do not receive some communication from them. I feel that if you could but read, or had an opportunity to read some of the excerpts of those letters that I received from that minority group in Northern Ireland, that you too would be spurred to greater efforts to right the wrong that has been committed in that little part of Ireland from which I come. There is no better way of demonstrating that than getting personal.

The old farmstead, where I was born and raised in County Fermanagh, is now owned by my brother who has a large family there. Because of this Special Powers Act on which you heard Paul O'Dwyer so ably elaborate, members of his family, Mr. Chairman, as they stroll down the road on a summer's evening, may be and have been intercepted by this so-called secret police, financed indirectly by the Marshall plan, and then given the usual command to halt and be identified. Now keeping in mind that no law has been broken, they have been submitted to arrest and without recourse to judge or jury, they can be incarcerated and imprisoned at the pleasure of the Premier of Northern Ireland and his Government.

It is because of those wrongs, Mr. Chairman, that we are here. This problem is very near and dear to our hearts. These children of my

brother have also been denied the right to participate in any of the public positions, to compete in civil-service examinations, and all that because of their political affiliations.

As I said before, could you but realize the conditions under which the minority exists in Northern Ireland I fear that you and the other members of your committee would have no hesitation in going ahead and doing what you could to bring about the freedom of that last remaining remnant of Ireland.

There is only one recourse left for these children that I speak of, Mr. Chairman, and that is emigration. They are denied the rights of holding public office, denied the rights of being appointed to office, and mind you we have several lucrative positions in the little county I come from, such as borough surveyor of the town, county surveyor, and so forth. While these people come up to all the specifications required for those positions, yet they are denied that right, whether because of political beliefs or religious discrimination. There is only one relief for them and that is to emigrate. That is the prime thought in the backs of the minds of that minority group in Northern Ireland, today. As I said, I wish you could but read some of the excerpts of the letters pleading for me to do what I can to bring them out here and alleviate their conditions over there. To get back to my own family-while my nieces and nephews are still young yet, two of them have already come here and are domiciled in New York and they in turn are making arrangements to bring the rest of their family out all because of the conditions which I have cited.

I appeal to you as a representative, not only as I said of this minority group, but of our fellow Americans, freedom-loving Americans, to give your utmost consideration to this Resolution No. 270. I feel that perhaps through it we will get some recourse, we will get some semblance of freedom from these terrifying conditions that exist in Northern Ireland, today.

I want to take this opportunity, Mr. Chairman, of thanking our Congressman Javits for his magnificent stand on this vital question that is very near and dear and close to the hearts of all of us and I just want to tell him that I shall carry back to his district the felicitations and the good will not only of myself but of every man and woman in this room.

Thank you very much.

Mr. MANSFIELD. Thank you.

Mr. Allan Lillis.

STATEMENT OF ALLAN F. LILLIS

Mr. LILLIS. Mr. Chairman, members of the Foreign Affairs Committee, for the purpose of the record, I wish to introduce myself. I am Allan F. Lillis. I am a native of the State of Michigan, and a resident of the city of Detroit and have been for the past 45 years. I have been a deputy clerk in the recorders court in that city for the past 26

years.

For the past 31 years I have been associated with Irish organizational activities, and I have been delegated to come to this hearing by a joint meeting of the Gaelic League, and the Irish-American Club of Detroit, Mich.