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I am also authorized to speak for and on behalf of the American League for an Undivided Ireland, Michigan unit; the Ancient Order of Hibernians; and the Gaelic Athletic Association, whose combined membership is approximately 20,000.

They are unanimous in their opinion that the House of Representatives should have an opportunity to express itself on House Resolution 270, because it would afford a means of expression of the sentiment that is prevalent throughout the United States, that differences should be settled in a democratic manner.

We are agreed that if a vote were taken in all of Ireland on the question of partition, the result would be overwhelmingly opposed to its continuance as in favor of a United Ireland.

Within the past 2 years I have had an opportunity to visit in Ireland. I was in 28 of the 32 counties of Ireland, including four of the six northeast counties of Ireland. I have first-hand knowledge of the workings of partition, and the detrimental effect that it has had upon the economy of that country.

At this point, Mr. Chairman, for the purpose of saving time, I ask for the privilege of extending my remarks in a future addition to

this statement.

Mr. MANSFIELD. Thank you very much, Mr. Lillis. Mr. Jeremiah J. O'Callaghan.

STATEMENT OF JEREMIAH J. O'CALLAGHAN

Mr. O'CALLAGHAN. Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, I am not going to take up too much time myself either; it is getting late. For purposes of the record I will tell you my name is Jeremiah J. O'Callaghan. I am a lawyer from Jersey City, N. J. I was born and brought up in Cork City, Ireland and came over here in 1934. I am the chairman of the New Jersey branch of the American League for an Undivided Ireland, president of division 1 of the Ancient Order of Hibernians in New York City and I have been delegated to come up here and make their sentiments and expressions known to the committee today.

First of all I am going to be frank about it, when I came up I expected to meet a lot of indifference on the part of the committee. It is ignorance on my part I guess, but time after time, I have heard that committees of Congress in Washington were a waste of time, but from the bottom of my heart I tell you, Mr. Chairman, that I am very, very deeply impressed. When I go back to Jersey City and New Jersey I will do my level best to dispel this misinformation that has seeped through to the people. You have been very, very kind and the Congressmen have amazed me with their grasp of the situation in Ireland as it exists today.

The people whom I represent urge the adoption of House Resolution 270. We believe it is consistent with the best American principles and concepts of good government. The American Government is formed and formulated and grounded in the fundamental principles that people are entitled to be governed as they see fit. I have no doubt that it is intended to cover everybody and not just a few.

The government in the north of Ireland has been pictured here pretty generally as a government maintained by force. The figures have not

been quoted, and I will quote them right now. There are approximately 33,500 armed British troops in the north of Ireland in the six-county area. There are 11,000 armed policemen, yet there are no policemen, by way of parenthesis, armed in southern Ireland or over in England, but 11,000 are armed in the north of Ireland. In addition to that, they have, and I am sure no one could refer to them by any other term, actually a storm-troop corps, known as the B-Specials. There are 15,000 men, civilians, a quasi-police and military organization, fully armed with powers to walk into anybody5s house any time of the day or night and without warrant or writ of habeas corpus, yank him out and put him in jail with no trial. Or at the pleasure of Sir Basil Brooke, the Premier of the "north" of Ireland.

A gentleman, who is a commentator on Station WOC, only 2 weeks ago in Philadelphia, by skillful questioning of Mr. Brooke elicited from him in a flat statement that the government of the north of Ireland, the six-county government, is maintained by armed force.

Now, I was a captain in the United States Army. I served for 5 years in the American Army. It is not to spectacularize but I came up from private to captain. I had sensitive positions in the Army and it is a great honor to the Irish people that even though I came from Ireland, I was trusted with figures and facts that if they had been disclosed to the enemy in Italy might have affected the outcome of the war.

Now, every moment of the day that I worked and sweated during that war I had in the back of my mind all the time that this was a worth-while fight for the freedom of everybody all over the world and I can assure you that at no time did I exclude the thought that Ireland was included in that idea. I can tell you quite frankly that if I had thought at that time that Ireland would be excluded I would not have been as ambitious and paid as much attention to my details and duties as I did, because the thing would have been a farce.

I would remind everyone that the Americans who fought in a war for the principles I have just mentioned, if they are not to be convinced by passage of this resolution that it is the sense and the responsibility of the American Congress to be for the freedom of everybody, they could hardly prosecute vigorously a war in the name of freedom. Now, as an exsoldier, the single and most important thing that has not been mentioned here today specifically is this: The danger to America of something happening in Ireland as a result of the problem as it exists. There was only one pistol shot that started off World War I. One man shot another man and we had a world war. Whether that be the real reason or not I am not concerned with it. All I know is one shot started the war. That is the ostensible reason.

I have received letters just as Mr. Maguire has from Ireland every week and the prevailing sentiment among the young people in Ireland is this, that if this situation is not disposed of in an orderly, parliamentary way they are going to do what they have done for generations and that is go out with a gun. If somebody starts a war in Ireland, let nobody be fooled that that war is going to be confined to the island of Ireland. It will not be. It will spread all over. I cannot imagine how we could send money to England in the event of a war with Ireland, if that money was being used to oppress the Irish people. You say, "He is an Irishman." I am. Above that I am an

American. I am here today because I am vitally concerned with the things I have learned in the American schools, that we stand for liberty for everybody. We stand for liberty for the Irish, the Jewish people, the Arabs, for the colored people, for everybody in the whole world. How we can get up and say that and not recognize that we are today actively participating in the keeping on of the partition in Ireland is something I cannot understand.

Now Mr. O'Dwyer, the distinguished gentleman from New York, who has worked day and night for this hearing and for the abolition of partition, told you that over in Ireland right now people are getting concerned, they are getting excited, they are getting worried. They did infer that Ireland was the gateway and strategic key today to activity on our part against somebody else, against an aggressor in Europe.

If we do not get this resolution through, people will feel, "Well, we do one thing and say another." The eminent gentleman from Texas on my left, asked would it not be possible that we might be considered, the American people, as interfering in the affairs of England or a foreign government.

I say yes, to a certain extent. Then the term "logic" is used. That is a two-edged sword. I submit my logic and it is this: Interference is one thing, but if we give the money to England in the Marshall system or set-up we permit them to use that money in any way they see fit. Here is the way they see fit: They lop off $150,000,000 every year and send it up to the North of Ireland to subsidize 33,000 armed troops, and policemen. If we are not indirectly responsible for the continuance of partition, then logic is a pseudo science. That is the fact and that is the interference.

Now, on behalf of the people whom I represent from New Jersey I would urge upon you, Mr. Chairman-I do not think you need much urging but I would urge upon you anyway for the record that when you and your committee meet together please give consideration to this. It is momentous. It is the most important thing that is happening today. We may, if we are careless, plunge the world into another war. If that is so, we will not be worrying about Ireland, nor Washington, nor any other place. We will be worrying about our continued existence. Preserving peace in Ireland will strengthen us for preserving peace in Europe.

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Mr. MANSFIELD (presiding). Thank you Mr. O'Callaghan. I want to assure you that this committee considers this proposal very, very seriously, that what you have said will be given every consideration and I am very pleased that you brought out some of the significant points which have not heretofore been mentioned. Thank you again. Mr. O'CALLAGHAN. Thank you very much.

STATEMENT OF JOHN M. COSTELLO, WASHINGTON REPRESENTATIVE OF THE AMERICAN LEAGUE FOR AN UNDIVIDED IRELAND

Mr. COSTELLO. Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I had hoped that I would have the privilege of presenting to you at this time, Gen. Patrick J. Hurley, formerly Secretary of War and also an Ambassador of the United States, to testify before you regarding the military significance of the continuance of the partition of Ire

land, and the importance of Ireland in the defense of Europe in the light of present day problems. Although the General had indicated his desire to attend these hearings, it became necessary for him to journey to New Mexico, where he is at present, and so it was not possible for him to be present today.

Had General Hurley testified before you, I am sure that he would have convinced you that a divided country in time of war is a military liability, especially when that country is small and an island as well. Ireland can be a strong outpost in any program we undertake for the defense of Europe, provided it becomes possible for us to welcome Ireland into the Atlantic Pact. So long as that pact requires the acceptance and recognition of the territorial integrity of the signatory nations at the time of signing, Ireland cannot join. To do so would guarantee Britain's continued dominance of the six county area for at least a period of 20 years, and possibly longer should there be any renewals of the pact in later years.

Frequently the matter of Ireland's neutrality in the last war is attempted to be used as a means of criticizing Ireland's method of cooperation in international affairs. However, it is well to note that Sweden and Switzerland remained neutral without being questioned as to their right to do so, and no demands were made that they should have joined in the war, nor are they maligned for not having done so. The United States, likewise, remained neutral until it became the victim of ruthless and violent attack at Pearl Harbor. Being the victim of such a brutal onslaught, we then had no choice but to become an active warring Nation. Ireland, however, suffered no such attack and hence was entitled to continue her neutrality throughout the war, if such was the will of the Nation. Despite much vicious propaganda, it has been conclusively proven that no aid was given to the Fascist enemies during the war, but that much benefit was derived by ourselves from Ireland's official actions and attitude throughout the war. Propagandists from the six counties attempt to make much of the fact that a few bases were made available to United States troops in northeastern Ireland during the war, while the harbors and camp sites in the Republic were withheld. If there be any blame for this situation, I lay that directly at the feet of Great Britain and of the Government at Belfast itself. In the First World War, Ireland was given absolute promise of full home rule following the war. The right of self-determination was to be applied to Ireland and to Belgium in like manner. British perfidy ignored the wartime promises given to some 350,000 Irish volunteers, when England needed soldiers; and postwar political chicannery betrayed the 50,000 casualties that suffered and gave their all in the expectation of Irish freedom. In place of freedom Ireland was given a division of her country, and the Republic of Ireland was only established as the result of continuing guerrilla warfare on the part of the Irish against British troops, police and Government officials, who used every means conceivable to prevent the establishment of the Government following the elections of 1918 and 1920.

Little wonder that Ireland, recalling the false promises of the British Ministry of War in the First World War and the treachery of her diplomats following that war, should turn a deaf ear to Britain's proposals and worthless promises set forth as inducements to enter

this late war. The ridiculous statement has been made by Unionists of Belfast "that the whole matter of partition might have been settled now, had Ireland joined in the war." Ireland rightly ignored Britain's empty appeals and did maintain her neutrality in strict accordance with international law, preventing German, Japanese, or Italian from obtaining either information or benefit from their diplomatic representatives in Dublin, which facts have been admitted by United States authorities and conclusively proven for the sake of any who might inquire.

İreland would have received no benefit from Britain had she participated actively in the war, and the same crowd of British sympathizers would have retained control of the six counties as they do today. Moreover, they would have retained that control in the same manner as in the past by so rigging election districts as to preclude forever any change in the dominance of the Parliament at Belfast or the local governing bodies. You have been told that districts have been gerrymandered in the most outrageous fashion. May I present to you some figures to demonstrate this fact, so that you can understand why we make the statement that no reliance can be placed in elections in the six-county area.

First, let us consider the religious division of the people there, since the religious question is so frequently assigned as a justification for the continuance of partition. I don't know what we would do in the United States if we attempted to divide the Nation on a religious basis; in fact, religion no where else has been, nor should it be, the basis of dividing and splitting up a nation. The Catholics in the six counties number 428,290. The Presbyterians number 390,931; Church of Ireland (Episcopalian), 345,474; Methodists, 55,135; and all others, 59,915.

Not all Catholics are necessarily Nationalists, although the great majority favor the union with the rest of Ireland. Likewise not all Protestants are Unionists. In fact it has been from the great body of the Presbyterians in this area that a vast number of the leaders of Irish revolts against British tyranny have developed. During the religious persecutions, the Presbyterians along with the Catholics, suffered at the hands of the intolerant British rulers of the day. It was out of this oppression that the yearning for liberty and freedom was nurtured and the great national heroes, Protestant and Catholic alike were born.

Irish patriots have always fought side by side in the countless struggles to regain freedom, and the matter of religious differences was never a hindrance to their effective cooperation any more than it is today in the free 26 counties, nor will be, when all 32 counties are united. It has only been in the present century that an effort has been made by the British politicians to arouse religious bigotry in an effort to create dissension between the people, and thus create a pseudo explanation for the existence of partition. In the creation of this dissension, the British have made use of those people in the northeast, who. in spite of a history of three centuries of living on Irish soil, have retained their British ties and sympathies.

It is this same group of British sympathizers who have been given the control of the government in the six counties, and who are fearful lest they should lose that control and dominance over all the people

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