men for occasional services in England, than it was to keep up the government of a whole province by agents, which served at three to four thousand miles from the principal.

One of the last public acts of Penn in the province, was to present the city, on the 28th of October, 1701, with a last charter of privileges. By this he constituted the town of Philadelphia a city. Edward Shippen was the first mayor, and Thomas Story the first recorder. Shippen was also a judge, and, as president of the council, he was for a time ex-officio Governor. Although the city so received its charter, it appears to have had in effect the name and character of a city before, for as early as 1691 it had a mayor, named Humphry Murrey, signing its official acts.

A new deputy governor arrived in 1704, in the person of John Evans, Esqr. a young man of ability-but of free life, and of such occasional dissipation as to give umbrage to many serious persons. With him came William Penn, jun'r. the only son by the first wife. Although he also was volatile, beyond his education, he was made a member of the council as an intended respect. Evans remained only five years, being removed by a petition for his recall. He had so little respect for Friends' principles, that it is rather strange that he should have been appointed at all. In 1704, he, for the first time known in our annals, made a call for a militia, by public proclamation, "to assist queen Anne."-It did not succeed. Indeed, the very name of militia, for a long period of time afterwards, was a measure which quickly roused the religious scruples of the Friends. It would appear, however, from an incidental fact prior to this time, that there was some kind of voluntary association which occasionally used fire arms, because we read in the Logan MS. papers, that the Governor, (Markham,) when he died in Philadelphia, "was buried, by the militia, with the honours of war."

It seems that governor Evans did not credit the sincerity of Friends in their alleged aversion to war and war measures. He therefore endeavoured by stratagem to surprise them into a desertion of their avowed pacific principles. To this end, he plotted with some of his friends in New Castle to send up an express, to say, "twelve French vessels were arrived, and were committing depredations, and soon would be up at Philadelphia itself!" On the receipt of this intelligence he rode through the streets with his sword drawn, calling on the inhabitants for defence. The panic was great, especially among the women,-but none of the Friends resorted to arms. Plate and other valuables were cast into their wells. Several took to the boats and canoes, and went up the creeks, &c. This was an undignified and even cruel experiment, which only tended to make his rule extremely unwelcome. The whole scene, such as it was, might afford subject for the poet's and the painter's muse. Nothing like such an alarm had before disturbed the repose of the inhabitants since the false alarm of 1686,

when an idle tale found afflictive currency-that the Indians were purposing their massacre.

It was about the year 1708 that Penn's perplexities and troubles fell upon him in more than common measure. He had received the petition for Evans' removal, and a successor was imperious. His debts, through the mal-conduct of a corrupt steward, (Ford) became so ponderous and unmanageable, (although he had a patrimony of 1500€. a year,) that he was obliged to mortgage his province for 6600£. and to give it in trust to James Logan, Isaac Norris, and others. There began about this time to appear a more than common selfishness in some of the people, even to cabals and factions, and to a virtual resistance, in some cases, of the proprietary's right. David Lloyd, Esqr. of Chester, an attorney and a Friend, Speaker sometime of the Assembly, was the visible head of the opposition, There was much bickering from such causes between the Assembly-headed as it then was-and the Secretary, James Logan. There was certainly a very rude and disrespectful manner of resistance in the Assembly, and their being re-elected was a painful indication to Penn's real friends that the temporary disaffection was too prevalent among the people.* Their ill-natured disputations with governor Gookin, who had succeeded Evans, in 1709, (written in the plain style of Friends, which had hitherto prevailed in the public acts of the colony,) however provoked by the admitted strange temper of the Governor, are rather burlesque compositions than otherwise, to our sober judgments in this day. Under the force of their excited feelings they proceeded to such extremities as to impeach and to try to arrest the devoted and excellent public servant, James Logan, on pretexts which he readily and ably refuted. The scandal of these measures reached England, and much use was made of them there to disparage and reprobate colonial proprietary governments, and to set forth by those opposed to Penn's interests, that such were not capable of any stable self-government and good conduct.

All these things combining tended eventually to sap and alie. nate the affections and confidence of Penn to his people; and when, with the increase of his debts for his colony, and their poor returns, he also fell into an occasional defect of mind by a stroke of apoplexy, it became more and more a measure of necessity that he should yield to the wish of the crown (and I might add, of his friends also) by selling out his province for 12,000£,-reserving to himself the quit rents and estates. The deed was formally made, and he had received, it is said, 1000£. in 1712, as earnest money; but he never executed it, he having, in that year, so far

*It is to the credit of the mass of the people, when they came to know the merits of the case, that they manifested far better feelings to the proprietary, by displacing, at the next election, all the former Representatives, and supplying their places with kindlier spirits.

The Lords of trade, in a letter of the 21st of July, 1719, to governor Keith, say, "Mr. Penn did receive part of the money in pursuance of said agreement."

lost his mental faculties as made him incapable, as was supposed by the law-officers, to confer a legal conveyance. So nearly were we once to losing all that connection with the Penn-family, which afterwards, for so many years of the rule of their sub-governors, united our destinies! The MSS. collections by Mrs. Logan are very ample in facts on this sale and arrest of execution.

It is but due to the honour of the founder to cite, from some of his letters, his own expressions of the feelings and embarrassments which urged him thus to dissever his interests from the people whom he had benefitted so essentially by the colony he had procured them. In 1710, he writes, and says, "the undeserved opposition I meet from thence sinks me in sorrow, and I cannot but think it hard measure, that while that proved a land of freedom and flourishing to them, it should become to me, by whose means it was made a country, the cause of trouble and poverty." Oh, what an inconsiderate requital! Penn hints too, direct enough at his meditated sale, as well as at the cause of it, saying, "the opposition I have met with must at length force me to consider more closely of my own private and sinking circumstances."

Respecting this meditated surrender to the crown I am enabled to add some facts, derived from the use of the MSS. collections of Mrs. Logan, kindly lent to me for general use. There I ascertained that James Logan and the friends of William Penn in Philadelphia often suggested this measure as a dernier resort. It appears to have been made as early as the year 1701, by some of the crown officers, as a necessary security to the crown in case of a war. Penn appears all along to have deprecated and resisted this. From 1702 to 1707 it is spoken of to Penn by his Philadelphia friends in their letters and in his replies. In 1704, Penn says it will depend on the kindness of the next Assembly to him,-"I shall see this winter's session, and take my measures accordingly." In 1705, he says, "whether I surrender or not, shall make no difference as to my coming and laying my bones among you." All these, so far, were secret confidential views on both sides. In 1707, James Logan is very strenuous in his advice, saying, "If the thing I have. so often mentioned can carry any weight, it is (under the then troubles) that thou wilt get a consideration from the crown for the government. "Tis what I advise; for thou wilt really find it impossible to hold the government here, so refractory as things are conducted. Depend upon it, there is a constant plot here against thy interest." &c. To this I might add, that Isaac Norris, in 1711, says, "I cannot be against it, he is now old, and the best terms may be had in his life-time. I only hope he will make good terms for Friends,-on oaths, ministers' pay, and militia." Penn himself, on one occasion, writes, "I believe it repents some that they began it, (by requesting or urging the crown to retake it per force,) for now, 'tis I that press it upon good terms, as well for the

people as self,- in the judgment of the wisest and best of my friends."*

Finally, it may be seen, as the proper sequel to the whole, what moving causes of complaint and dissatisfaction Penn really possessed, by consulting his long and very able expostulatory letter "to the inhabitants of Pennsylvania" of 27th of 4 mo. 1710.-Vide Proud, vol. 2, page 45. It might well be called his patriarchal and farewell address. It is full of pathos and sensibility, and produced much effect in kindlier feelings from his people after its publication among them, but too late expressed by them in their elections and public measures to prevent his purposed bargain with the crown! Every true Pennsylvanian, imbued with due good feelings to our honoured founder, should make that paper his manual. So his real friends of that day regarded it; and on page 507 of my MSS. Annals, in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, is preserved one of those primitive printed letters, kept in one family "with pious care" even down to the present day! "It is (says he,) a mournful consideration, and the cause of deep affliction to me, that I am forced, by the oppression and disappointments which have fallen to my share in this life, to speak to the people of that province in a language I once hoped I should never have occasion to use."-"I once had reason to expect a solid comfort from the services done so many people, and I have not been disappointed in their prosperity.”— "Did the people really want any thing of me in the relation between us that would make them happier, I should readily grant it." After showing his grounds of grievance, he says, "When I reflect on all those heads, of which I have so much cause to complain, I cannot but mourn the unhappiness of my portion, dealt to me from those of whom I had reason to expect much better; nor can I but lament the unhappiness that too many of them are bringing upon themselves; who, instead of pursuing the amicable ways of peace, love, and unity, which I at first hoped to find in that retirement, are cherishing a spirit of contention and opposition, and oversetting (by party violence) that foundation on which your happiness might be built." Finally, he adds, "If I must continue my regard to you, manifest the same to me, by showing, in a fair election, more than I have for some years met with; or else, without further suspense, I shall know what I have to rely on."

This valedictory, as it in effect proved, from the good old patriarch, was prompted, I am satisfied, in a good degree, by the correspondence and subsequent presence of James Logan,† When it arrived, Isaac Norris writes, that it "extremely pleased;-it is so

*His "good terms" for the people are afterwards declared by Mrs. Hannah Penn, in her letter of 1713, to have been in effect the cause of its frustration. Her letter says, " he might long since have finished it, had he not insisted too much on gaining privileges for the people." +J. Logan's letters, of 1708-9, say, "advise them, that unless Friends will take measures to purge the Assemblies of bad men, thou wilt give them up, and struggle no longer; for, certainly, David Lloyd's purpose is to throw all into confusion, and thee into a surren der." Soon afterwards J. Logan visited England and saw Penn personally.

tender and soft where it touches others;- it is so suitable, that we wish it public as possible. Had it arrived before the election it would have given great support to Friends. As it is, the party is lessoned, and the mask of the designers and troublers is half off." Under such a sense of wrongs, and the superadded pressure of accumulated debts, he probably so far pursued his negociations for surrender with the ministry, that when the good news of a change of conduct occurred, he had gone too far to recede. Certain it is, that, in 1712, he concluded his sale for 12,000£.— a sum full 4000£. less than had been before expected.

In this year his desease got so much the ascendancy of his mental faculties, that he was deemed inadequate to any active or public business. As other facts concerning him, in this his last and interesting crisis, will be told in another place, it may suffice here to say: He still showed himself a sensible and conversable man,-His chief defect was found in the obliteration of his memory. Religion was always predominant. His very failings, in this last extremity, "leaned to virtue's side." In this state he continued six years, gogoing abroad, to Meetings, &c. till 1718, when he died, having probably passed, in these last secluded years, the most tranquil period of his eventful, busy, care-crazed, life."The memory of the just is blessed!"

From the facts which have just passed in review, we arrive at the conclusion,-that however Penn once saw "an opening of joy as to these parts," it was but too manifest, it was such only "for another and not for himself!" However we may palliate the jealousies of liberty inherent and cherished in our forefathers, by which small or fancied grievances were sometimes magnified even by men intending honest opposition, yet, as ambition or blind zeal will either of them mislead party leaders, and acerbity of feelings will excite wrong doings, we cannot but regret, that so distinguished a benefactor should not have been less equivocally requited; so that the honest exertions of the best years of his life had not been rewarded with the carking cares of straitened circumstances, by the res angusti domi, and the disheartening opposition of refractory children. Ah! "how sharper than a serpent's tooth it is to have a thankless child!" Much we could have wished that his sun had set in brighter glory;- in such as he once hoped ;for which he always toiled,-"a youth of labour for an age of ease. This was the reward which generous natures would have wished conferred! In the language of Burke's eulogium, we may join in the sentiment, that "tis pleasing to do honour to those great men, whose virtues and generosity have contributed to the peopling of the earth, and to the freedom and happiness of mankind; who have preferred the interest of a remote posterity and times unknown, to their own fortune and to the quiet security of their own lives!"

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Whether other men can so appreciate the exalted virtues and