from that moment the clouds gathered and refreshing rain fell, with which they slaked their own thirst and that of their horses. The name of Fulminatrix, or Thundering, was given to the legion whose prayers had been the means of saving the Emperor, A.d. 174.

Writing thirty years afterwards, Tertullian says:-Marcus Aurelius also, in his expedition to Germany, by the prayers his soldiers offered to God, got rain in that well-known thirst. When, indeed, have not droughts been put away by our kneelings and fastings?' And Claudius Apollinaris, Bishop of Hierapolis, who wrote an apology to the Emperor Marcus Aurelius about A.D. 176, to which Eusebius refers, bears witness to a remarkable answer to prayer received a year or two before by the Christian soldiers of that Emperor's army. S. Cyprian also, in the middle of the third century, seems to allude to this history in the following words: We always ask and pour out our prayers for driving away enemies and for obtaining showers.'

The calamities that had happened to the Empire during the joint government of Aurelius and Verus had been ascribed by the heathen priests to the Christians, for they had sought in vain to propitiate their own gods by celebrating every sacred rite. In the time of Aurelius the laws of Trajan were still existing, and a violent persecution of the Christians took place in the south of Gaul.

The aged Pothinus, Bishop of Lyons, was one of the victims of the rescript that had been issued, which commanded that those who refused to sacrifice to the gods should be punished with various kinds of torment. Though he was nearly worn out with age and infirmities, S. Pothinus rejoiced that he had lived to this time that he might suffer for his Master Christ before he went to his rest. He was dragged by soldiers before the heathen magistrates of the town, and as he passed along the people reviled him.

The Governor asked the Bishop, 'Who is the God of the Christians?' Pothinus answered, 'If thou be worthy thou shalt know.'

After this he was shamefully handled by all about him; they threw stones at him, and at last dragged him, hardly alive, into prison, where he died after two days.

The constancy of Maturus, Attalus of Pergamos, and Blandina, a slave, was also tried by cruel tortures; Blandina, remaining to the last upon the arena, which was covered with the bodies of the other martyrs who, with her, bore testimony to their faith. Even the heathen were obliged to own that they had never seen a woman suffer so many or such cruel torments. But not even death itself could protect the martyrs from the fury of their enemies.

The bodies of those who died in prison were thrown to the dogs, great care being taken that the Christians should not withdraw them from these animals and give them burial.

M. Gustave Doré's picture of the Martyrs in the Amphitheatre will, no doubt, have brought the victims of these early persecutions vividly

before many of us. The stone seats of the amphitheatre are empty, the cruel, trifling, pleasure-loving crowd have passed from the spot, the stern impassive Imperator or Prefect or Consul is gone, yet the sufferers are not alone. He Who is ever watchful of them, in Whose cause they have laid down their lives, sends His Angels to carry their souls to rest. Irenæus succeeded S. Pothinus as Bishop of Lyons during the last quarter of the second century. Eusebius states that he was sent, while yet a presbyter, with a letter from some members of the Church of Lyons to Eleutherius, Bishop of Rome. A letter has been preserved from the martyrs to the Bishop in which they render a flattering testimony to his zeal and virtue. These holy men thus recommended S. Irenæus: 'We have desired our dear brother and colleague, Irenæus, to carry this letter unto you. We commit him to your care, and we entreat you to esteem him as a person that hath very much zeal for the Gospel of Jesus Christ. If we believed that his dignity would add anything to his worth, we would have recommended him to you in quality of a priest; but he is much more recommendable for his zeal and piety.'

The principal work of S. Irenæus that has come down to us is his refutation of the Gnostic system, in five books. Irenæus makes a strong use of the argument of tradition in support of the Apostolical doctrine as against the new heresies, but his efforts in this direction represent but a small part of his labours and thought. Amongst the young men who gathered around him was one Hippolytus, whom he inspired with a thirst for Christian knowledge, and who afterwards became a Bishop, and took an important place amongst the writers of the third century.

The heresies which had arisen up to this time offered a confused medley of philosophy and mythology, mixed up with the dogmas of the Christian religion. S. Irenæus applied himself so diligently to the study of the system of the ancient philosophers and the fables of paganism, that it is said of him that he surpassed in his knowledge of their different features all those who lived in his age of the Church. Through S. Pothinus the faith had already penetrated to the different provinces of Gaul, when S. Irenæus was made Bishop, probably about A.D. 177. In his opposition to the Gnostics S. Irenæus had first to combat a heresy; his powers of controversy were next called upon in antagonism to a schism, which threatened to separate a portion of the Christian world from the communion of its most influential Church.

There had been a difference in very early times, and indeed from the beginning, between the Churches of Asia Minor, Syria and Mesopotamia on the one hand, and the rest of the Christian world on the other, with regard to the keeping of Easter; the former Churches keeping it at the Jewish Passover, upon whatever day of the week it happened to fall, whilst the others united in keeping it upon a Sunday. The inconvenience of the discrepancy had been felt in the time of S. Polycarp.

Victor, who succeeded Eleutherius as Bishop of Rome, A.D. 189, took very harsh measures for enforcing uniformity, threatening to excommunicate the Asiatics, but on S. Irenæus addressing him a letter, warning him that the effect of this would be to rend the Catholic Church in pieces, he was prevailed on not to make such a question a ground for a breach of communion, and the question was more calmly debated until finally settled by the Council of Nicæa. S. Irenæus had won his right to intercede by his sacred descent, his unfaltering labours, his mercy and charity, his spotless faith, and his untainted worship. Eusebius, after recounting in his History some parts of this letter, adds, Irenæus fulfilled all the signification of his name (Irenæus in Greek meaning the Peace-maker), showed himself a true lover of peace, by the sweetness of his manners, by the moderation of his conduct, and by the beautiful things which he wrote and undertook for the Church.'

S. Jerome greatly praises the works of S. Irenæus, and S. Basil uses them to prove the Divinity of the Holy Spirit. S. Augustin values them for their refutation of the Pelagians and Julian. S. Clement of Alexander, S. Cyril of Jerusalem, and Theodoret, unite in praising S. Irenæus in their works. The last calls him the Light of the Western Gauls,' and Tertullian places him amongst the number of those great persons who are distinguished by their piety and by their genius.

The writings of S. Irenæus prompted S. Epiphanius to remark, 'this admirable old man is one filled with all the gifts of the Holy Spirit, an athlete full of force and vigour, covered by the heavenly arms, always ready to combat against the enemies of the truth, and who, by the help of a sincere faith and solid doctrine, discovers and overthrows all their lies.' The leading feature in the character of Marcus Aurelius was his devotion to the Stoic philosophy-his earlier education had been committed to Cornelius Fronto, who enjoyed the greatest reputation among the Roman rhetoricians of the time, and to the Greek, Herodes Atticus.

Marcus Aurelius read immensely, and was insatiable in acquiring knowledge. He complains of want of time to occupy himself with intellectual pursuits, but then he consoles himself with the thought that in exerting all his powers for the good of the Empire and the army he is doing his duty and fulfilling his mission. In his meditations he has left us a beautiful if sad picture of his life. There certainly never was a prince more generally beloved than Marcus Aurelius, yet with all his excellencies and virtues an evil fate seemed ever to hang over him.

The golden days of the Empire had already begun to darken, and to the public troubles which had encompassed the Emperor, domestic calamities were added. Aunius, the eldest of Aurelius' two sons, died of a decline in his early youth; while Commodus, whose education

had been entrusted to Fronto, was in every way unworthy of his father. It is possible that the character of Faustina, the wife of Marcus Aurelius and daughter of Antoninus Pius, has been described in blacker colours than it deserves, through her bad disposition cannot be denied. Marcus Aurelius died on the frontier of the Marcomanni before the war against them was brought to a close, A.D. 180. As it has been remarked, it seems most sad that the Light, which had already enlightened the Gentiles, should never have reached the noblest of them.

The remains of Marcus Aurelius were taken to Rome, where they were interred, with the ordinary solemnities, in a mausoleum; probably that which Hadrian caused to be built.

The character of the Emperor is thus summed up by Tillemont. 'As the smallest things may do harm to the reputation of a prince, Marcus Aurelius took care to do everything with precaution and maturity. He did nothing negligently, but weighed well all that he wrote or spoke, devoting at times whole days to matters which seemed little worthy of so great application; the imperial dignity had not produced in him any arrogance, he treated all persons as if he were their equal, allowing those of rank to be served as himself, and to have the same officers. Nor did he allow his guards to prevent any one from accosting him, for he placed his grandeur not so much in communicating with persons under the pretext of attracting respect, as in making all the world feel the effects of his goodness and fatherly care like a god.'

Though early trained by Antoninus in the conduct of affairs, and well versed both by study and practice in the arts of governing, Marcus Aurelius never did anything, whether it was in war or the government of the State, without communicating with those who were in authority about him, and often said, 'It is more fitting that I should follow the advice of so many persons who love me, than that they should be obliged to submit to the will of one man.'

Aurelius was succeeded by his son Commodus, who was quite unworthy to be placed at the head of an Empire. His character and history have been tersely and well epitomised as follows: "Commodus adorned his shoulders with the skin of a lion, and, arming himself with a knotted club, fought with the gladiators, and boasted of his dexterity in killing the wild beasts in the amphitheatre. So great was his vanity and luxury, that he powdered his head with immense quantities of gold-dust, and when he appeared uncovered in the meridian sun, his head glittered as if he were surrounded by it. He was one of the most wicked princes that ever reigned, the enemy the gods, the enemy of his country, the executioner of the Christians; the gladiator more cruel than Domitian, more infamous than Nero, more luxurious than Caligula, and more stupid than Claudius."

* Rogers.

of

CAMEOS FROM ENGLISH HISTORY.

CAMEO CLX.

THE MISSION OF ALVA.

1567-1568.

JUDGMENT of the characters of the men of these times is very difficult. The men who acted conscientiously often transgressed what appear to us the great and simple rules of humanity, truth, equity, and mercy; yet they went on high, uncompromising notions of right, and deemed that they were maintaining the honour of God and His Church, and only fulfilling His commands by trying to crush out heresy. The chief blame rests with their system rather than themselves, though greater men would have gone deeper and known that physical coercion in spiritual matters was utterly alien to the spirit of Christianity. Philip II. had enough of his father in him to hang long in doubt whether to proceed to extremities with the Low Countries, so beloved by Charles V. and so valuable to his crown. The letters are extant in which he sought counsel from the Pope, without whose advice he seldom acted.

As an Italian, and devoid of all sympathy with the northern spirit of independence, Pius bade him put down the Dutch disturbances in Church and State with the utmost severity, and he chose for his instrument one as devout and unflinching as himself, but with far more activity and readiness, Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, Duke of Alva, the most distinguished captain in Spain, now just sixty years old, having been trained in the wars of Charles V. He was a tall, thin man, very upright, with a small head, long narrow face, dark eyes and hair, a sallow complexion, and a long forked and grizzled beard. His manners were grave, stately, and reserved, after the Spanish ideal; he was unstained by any of the grosser vices, and he was viewed as a mirror of undeviating chivalry and loyalty; but the code of Spain at that time was utterly merciless towards all who did not hold the Catholic faith, and all idea of honour and good faith towards heretics and unbelievers had been studiously avoided. To a Spaniard, Alva thus appeared a most noble personage, while to all who judged by other standards, he became a proverb for cool, treacherous ferocity.

Pius V., who, chiefly by the influence of Cardinal Borromeo, had been elected Pope in 1565, was a man of pure, pious, ascetic life, who relaxed none of his self-denying habits when Pope, was perfectly unworldly and uncompromising, and so personally forgiving, that he would not punish a man who had tried to assassinate him, only saying, 'See how God protects the innocent.' He did much to carry out the decrees of the Council of Trent for reformation of the