After Oct. 1, 1872, stamps of two cents on bank checks, (sight or demand,) drafts or orders, under Schedule B. All stamps now taxable on proprietary medicines, &c, (Schedule C not having beeu interfered, with,) four percent,. * These comparative Schedules were compiled with the assistance of the Commissioner's office. t All manufacturers of cigars must pay special tax of $10. ♦All dealers in manufactured tobacco must pay special tax of $5. No tax of $2 per thousand on sales, as formerly. fAny person who sells, or offers to sell and deliver manufactured tobacco, snuff, or cigars, traveling from place to place, in the town or through the country, is regarded as a peddler of tobacco. t $20,000 is the maximum bond, but. it is in the discretion of the Commissioner to increase it. of the time. It suppressed a gigantic rebellion, emancipated lour millions of slaves, decreed the equal cidzenship of all, and established auiVwooA Oulilo^o. Inhibiting unparalleled magnanimity, it criminally punisned no man for political offenses, and warmly welcomed all who proved loyalty by obeying the laws and dealing justly with their neighbors. It has steadily decreased with itirm hand the resultant disorders of a great war, and initiated a wise and humane policy toward the Indians., The Pact he railroad and similar vast enterpiises have been generously aided and successfully conducted, the public lands freely giveu to actual settlers, immigration protected and encouraged, and a full acknowl edgment of the naturalized citizen's rights secured from European Powers. A uniform national currency has been provided, repudiation frowned down, the national credit sustained under the most extraordinary burdens, and new bonds negotiated at lower rates. The revenues have been carefully collected and honestly applied. Despite annual iarge reductions of the rates of taxation, the public debt has been reduced duiing General Grant's Presidency at the rate of a hundred millions a year, great bnancial crises have been avoided, and peace and plenty prevail throughout the land. Menacing tortign difficulties have been peacefully and honorably composed, and the honor and power of the nation kept in high respect throughout the worhi. This glorious record of the past is the party's best pledge for the future. We believe the people will not intrust the Government to any party or combination of men compostd chiefly of those who have resisted every step of this beneficent progress. 2. The recent amendments to the national Constitution should be cordially sus ained because they are right, not merely tolerated because they are law, and should be carried out according to their spirit by appropriate legislation, the enforcement of which can safely be intrusted only to the party that secured those amendments. 3. Compleie liberty and exact equality in the enjoyment of all civil, political, and publicjughts should be established and effectually mamtaiued throughout the Union by efficient and appropriate fetate and Federal legislation. I Neither the law nor its administration should j admit any discrimination in respect of citizens by reason of race, creed, color, or previous condition of servitude. 4. The national Government should seek to maintain honorable peace with all nations, protecting its citizens everywhere and sympathizing with all peoples who strive tor greater liberty. 5. Any system of the civil service under which the subordinate positions of the Government are considered rewards for mere party zeal is fatally demoralizing, and we therefore favor a reform of the system by laws which shall abolish the evils of patronage and make honesty, efficiency, and fidelity ihe essential qualifications for public positions, without practically creating a life tenure of office. 6. We are opposed to further grants of the public lands to corporations and monopolies, and demand that the national domain be set apart for free homes for the people. ** 7. The annual revenue, after paying current expenditures, pensions, and the interest on the public debt, should furnish a moderate balance for the reduction of the principal, and that revenue, except so much as may be derived from a tax upon tobacco and liquors, should be raised by duties upon importations, the details of which should be so adjusted as to aid in securing remunerative wages to labor, and promote the industries, prosperity, and growth of the whole country. 8. We hold in undying honor the soldiers and sailors whose valor saved the Union. Their pensions are a sacred debt of the nation, and the widows and orphans of those who died tor their country are entitled to the care of a generous and grateful people. We favor such additional legislation as will extend the bounty of the Government to all our soldiers and sailors who were honorably discharged, and who in the line of duty became disabled, without regard to the length of service or the cause of such discharge. 9. The doctrine of Great Britain and other European Powers concerning allegiance— kl once a subject always a subject"—having at last through the efforts of the Republican parly been abandoned, and the American idea of the individual's right to tran.-fer allegiance having been accepted by European nations, it is the duty of our Government to guard with jealous care the rights of adopted citizens against the assumption of unauthorized claims by theirformer Governments, and we urge continued careful encouragement and protection of voluntary immigration. 10. The hanking privilege ought to be abolished, and the way prepared for a speedy reduction in the rates of postage. , 11. Among the questions which press for attention is that which concerns the relations of capital and labor, and the Republican party recognizes the duty of so shaping legislation as to secure full protection and the amplest field for capital, and for labor, the creator of capital, the largest opportunities and a just share of the mutual profits of these two great servants I of civilization. I 12. We hold that Congress and the President haye only fulfilled an imperative duty in their measures for the suppression of violent and treasonable organizations in certain lately rebellious regions, and for the protection of the ballot-box; and therefore they are entitled to the thanks of the nation. 13. We denounce repudiation of the public debt, in any form or disguise, as a national crime. WTe witness with pride the reduction of the principal of the debt, and of the rates of interest upon the balance, and confidently expect that our excellent national currency will be perfected by a speedy resumption of specie payment. 14. The Republican party is mindful of its obligations to the loyal women of America for their noble devotion to the cause of freedom. Their admission to wider fields of usefulness is viewed with satisfaction; and the honest demand of any class of citizens for additional rights should be treated with respectful consideration. 15. We heartily approve the action of Congress in extending amnesty to those lately in rebellion, and rejoice in the growth of peace and fraternal feeling throughout the land. 16. The Republican party proposes to respect the rights reserved by the people to themselves as carefully as the powers delegated by them to the State and to the Federal Government. It disapproves of the resort to unconstitutional laws for the purpose of removing evils, by interference with rights not, surrendered by the people to either the State or national Government. 17. It is the duty of the General Government to adopt such measures as may tend to encourage and restore American commerce and ship-buildmg. 18. We believe that the modest patriotism, the earnest purpose, the sound judgment, the practical wisdom, the incorruptible integrity, and the illustrious services of Ulysses S. Grant have commended him to the heart of the American people, and with him at our head we start to dty upon a new march to victory. 19. Henry Wilson, nominated for the Vice Presidency, known to the whole land from the early days of the great struggle for liberty as an indefatigable laborer in all campaigns, an incorruptible legislator and representative man of American institutions, is worthy to associa'e with our great leader and share the honors which we pledge our best efforts to bestow upon them. President Grant's Acceptance. Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, June 10, 1872. Hon. Thomas Settle, President National Republican Convention; Paul Strobach, Elisha Baxter, C. A. Sargent, and others, Vice Presidents: Gentlemen: Your letter of this date, advising me of the action of the convention held in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, on the 5th and 6ih of this month, and of my unanimous nomination for the Presidency by it, is received. 1 accept the nomination, and through you return my heartfelt thanks to your constituents for this mark of their confidence and support. U elected in November, and protected by a kind Providence in health and strength to perform the duties of the high trust conferred, I promise the same zeal and devotion to the good of the whole people for the future of ray official life as shown in the past. Past experience may guide me in avoiding mistakes inevitable with novices in all professions and in all occupations. When relieved from the responsibilities of my present trust by the election of a successor, whether it be at the end of this term or the next, I hope to leave to him, as Executive, a^ country at peace within its own borders, at peace with outside nations, with a credit at home and abroad, and without embarrassing questions to threaten its future prosperity. With the expression of a desire to see a speedy healing of all bitterness of feeling between sections, parties, or races of citizens, and the time when the title of citizen carries with it all the protection and privileges to the humblest that it does to the most exalted, I subscribe myself, very respectfully, your obedient servant, U. S. Grant. Senator Wilson's Acceptance. Washington, June 14, 1872. Hon. Thomas Settle and others, President and Vice Presidents of the National Republican Convention, held at Philadelphia on the 5th and <6th of the present month: Gentlemen: Your noie of the 10th instant, conveying to me the action of the convention in placing my name in nomination for the office of Vice President of the United States, is before me. 1 need not give you the assurance ot my grateful appreciation of the high honor conferred upon me by this action of the fifth national convention of the Republican party. Sixteen years ago, iti the same city, was held the first meeting of the men who, amid the darkness and doubts of that hour of slaveholding asceudeucy and aggression, had assembled in national convention to confer-with each other upon the exigencies into which that fearful domination had brought their country. After full conference, the highest point of resolve they could reach, the most they dared to recommend, was the avowed purpose to prohibit the existence of slavery in the Territories. Last week the same party met by its representatives from thirty-seven States and ten Territories, at the same great center of wealth, intelligence, and power, to review the past, take note of the present, and indicate its line of action for the future. As typical facts, headlands of the nation's recent history, there sat ou its platform, taking prominent and honorable part in its proceedings, admitted on terms ot perfect equality to the leading hotels of the ciiy, not only the colored representatives of the race which were, ten years before, in abjs-ct slavery, but one of the oldest and most prominent of the once despised abolitionists, to whom was accorded, as to no other, the warmest demonstrations of popular regard and esteem—an ovation, not to him alone, but to the cause he had so ably and for so many years represented, and to the men and women, living and dead, who had toiled through long years of obloquy and selfsacrifice for the glorious fruitions of that hour. It hardly needed the brilliant summary of its platform to set forth its illustrious achievements. The very presence of those men was alone significant of the victories already achieved, the progress already made, and the great distance which the nation had traveled between the years 1856 and 1872. # But grand as has been its record, the Republican party rests not on its past arloue. It looks to the future, and grapples with its problems of duty and of danger. It proposes as objects of its immediate accomplishment "complete liberty and exact equality '' for all; the enforcement of uthe recent amendments to the national Constitution;" reform in the** civil service;" the ''national domain to be set apart for homes to the people;" the adjust merit of duties on imports so as to secure "'remunerative wages to labor;" the extension of bounty to all soldiers and sailors "who in the line of duty became disabled;" the continual and caretul encouragement and protection of voluntary immigration, and the guard ing uwiih jealous care the rights of adopted citizens;" the abolition of the (ranking privi lege and u the speedy reduction of the rates of postage;" the reduction of the national debt and the rates of interest and "the resumption of specie payments;" the encouragement of American commerce and of shipbuilding; the suppression of violence and "the protection of the ballot-box." It also placed on record the opinions and purposes of the party in favor of amnesty, against all forms of repudiation, and indorsed the humane and peaceful policy of the Administration in regard to the Indians. But while clearly defining and distinctly an nouncing the policy of the Bepubliean party on these questions of practical legislation and administration, the convention'did not ignore the great social problems which are pressing their claims for solution, and which demand the mo>t careful study and wise consideration. Foremost stands the labor question. Concerning "the relations of capital and labor" the Republican party accepts the duty of u so shaping legislation as to secure the full protection and the amplest rieid for capital, and for labor, the creator of capital, the largest opportunities, and a just share of the mutual profits of those two great servants of civilization." To woman, too, and her great demands, it extends the hand of grateful recognition, and proffers its most respectful inquiry. It recognizes her noble devotion to country and freedom, welcomes her admission to "wider fields of usefulness," and commends her demands for "additional rights" to the calm and careful consideration of the nation. To guard well what has already been secured, to work out faithfully and wisely what is now in hand, and to consider the questions which are looming up to view but a little way before us, the Republican part}?- is to-day what it was in the gloomy years of slavery, rebellion, and reconstruction, a natural necessity. It appeals, therefore, for support to the patriotic and liberty loving, to the just and humane, to all who would dignify labor, to all who would educate, elevate, and lighten the burdens of the sons and daughters of toil. With its great record, the work still to be done under the lead of the great soldier whose his toric renown and whose successful Administration for the last three years begat such popular confidence, the Republican party may confidently, in the language of the convention you represent, "start upon a new march to victory." Having accepted thirty-six years ago the distinguishing doctrines of the Republican party of to-day; having, during 3 ears of that period, for their advancement, subordinated all other issues, acting in and cooperut ng with political organizations with whose leading doctrines I sometimes had neither sympathy nor belief; having labored incessantly lor many years to found and build up the Republican party, and having, during its existence, taken an humble part"in its grand woik, 1 gratefully accept the nomination thus tendei ed, and shall endeavor, if it shall be ratified by the people, faithfully to perlorm the duties it imposes. Respectfully, yours, Henry Wilson. XATIOJTAL LIBERAL REPUBLICAN COSVENTIwN. Cincinnati, May 1-3, 1873. [Met pursuant to a call of the Liberal Republican State convention of Missouri.] For President, Horace Greeley, of New York;. Vice President, Benjamin Gratz Brown, of Missouri. Ballot for President—1st, Adams 205, Trumbull 110, Davis 92}, Grt-eley 147, Brown 95: 21, Greeley 239, Adams 243, Trumbull 148. Davis 81, Brown 2, Chase 1; 3d, Greeiey 258, Trumbull 156, Adams 264, D,ivts 44, Brown 2 ; 4th, Adams 279, Greelex 251, Trumbull 141, Davis 51, Brown 2; 5 h, Adams 309, Greeley 258, Trumbull 91, Davis 30, Brown 2, Chase 24; 6th, Adams 187, Greeley 482. Ballot for Vice President—1st, Brown 237, l'rumoull, 158, Julian lo4|, Walker 84J, Tipton 8, Cox 25, Clay 34, fccovel 12; 2j, Brown 435, Julian 175, Walker 75. '1 ipt.ou 8, Palmer 8. Declared unanimous. Address to the People of the Hinted Slates. The Administration now in power has ren dered itself guilty of wanton disregard of the laws of the land, and of usurping powers not granted by the Constitution; it has «cted as it the laws had binding force only for those who are governed, and not tor those who govern, it has thus struck a blow at the fundamental principles of constitutional government'and the liberties of the citizen. Ihe President of the United States has open'y used the powers and opportunities of his high office for the promotion of personal ends. He has kept notoriously corrupt and unworthy men in places of power and responsibility, to the detriment oi the public interest. He has used the public service of the Government as a machinery of corruption and personal influence, and has interfered with tyrannical arrogance in the political affairs of States and municipalities. He iias rewarded with influential and lucrative offices men who had acquired his favor by valuable presents, thus stimulating the demoralization of our poli.ical life by his conspicuous example. |