from their homes and their friends. The accusation was that they had taken an unlawful oath. Major Cartwright suspected what turned out to be the actual truth, and he knew that the men were poor, and might not be able to defend themselves; but if these petitioners were tried and transported for a crime held little short of treason, what a stab would have been given to the cause of Reform! He obtained the services of Mr Brougham, then very popular, from having so ably exerted himself to obtain a revocation of the Orders in Council, and he went down to Lancashire himself. The men were acquitted after a trial of fourteen hours. The triumph was celebrated by a dinner; and other political din. ners and Reform meetings took place at the same time in different parts of Yorkshire and Lancashire. This was the first of the Major's regular political itinerancies. In what he calls the way of his calling, he visited Manchester, Liverpool, Sheffield, Nottingham, and many other towns. He was now in the seventy-second year of his age. The Tory prints began to sneer at the itinerant apostles of Reform. Even the Whigs appear to have doubted the respectability of this mode of advancing the cause, and some of them attempted to dissuade him from any more political tours. In allusion to some Sir John or another, he ob

serves

"I do not feel the force of Sir John's objection to travelling about. English gentlemen are perpetually travelling. In the thing itself, there is nothing extraordinary. Some go to see lakes and mountains. Were it not as allowable to travel for seeing the actual condition of a starving people ?"

"Being myself, I trust, not without a due sense of the dignity becoming a gentleman, I am not aware how that dignity would be lessened by acting the part I suggest to others. I have already acted it, and if I am to judge from the deference and affection it everywhere obtained me, it may be inferred that, with respect to others, a like cause would produce a like effect, but augmented in proportion to higher rank and greater wealth."

In the following year he accordingly made a very extensive tour, and visited the principal towns in the manufacturing districts, and in the midland counties, wherever petitioners for Reform could be moved to come forward; and they came forward in so great numbers, that he brought four hundred and thirty petitions back with him. At Huddersfield he was, with a number of persons who had come to the inn to pay their respects to him, visited by an officer belonging to the Scots Greys, attended by a possé of constables. They had a warrant to execute upon him, and for examining his papers. Conceiving the warrant to be illegal, his free English blood rose, and he resisted its execution. An altercation of six hours' length arose, and he was, at three o'clock in the morning, left in charge of a constable, who, early next day, conveyed him before a magistrate. The magisstrate dismissed the complaint! The officer of the Greys, one of the ultra-loyals of the time, was afterwards made a baronet. On returning to London, he endeavoured to obtain a sight of the mysterious warrant by which he was arrested at Huddersfield; but failing in that, though

he tried both the local magistracy and the Secretary of State's office, he petitioned parliament, embodying in his petition other transactions of a similar nature, and cases of obstruction to the right of petitioning. The petition was presented to the House of Lords by Lord Byron, who alluded to the venerable Radical Reformer in these memorable words—

"He is a man, my Lords, whose long life has been spent in one unceasing struggle for the liberty of the subject, against that undue influence which has increased, is increasing, and ought to be diminished; and, whatever difference of opinion may exist as to his political tenets, few will be found to question the integrity of his intentions."

"Even now, oppressed with years, and not exempt from the infirmities attendant on his age, but still unimpaired in talents and unshaken in spirit, frangas, non flectes,' he has received many a wound in the combat against corruption; and the new grievance, the fresh insult, of which he complains, may inflict another scar, but no dishonour. The petition is signed by John Cartwright; and it was in behalf of the people and Parliament, in the lawful pursuit of that Reform in the representation, which is the best service to be rendered both to Parliament and peo ple, that he encountered the wanton outrage which forms the subject-matter of bis petition to your Lordships."

The petition was ordered to lie on the table. It states, among other truths, that narrow-minded magistrates conceive the exercise of the right of petitioning a sort of treason, and that, when "petitioners, by such magistrates and their subordinates, are purposely stigmatized, and classed with the worst of criminals, pursued by violent strainings of the law, and even persecuted by courses wholly illegal-and when such a system, upheld by the employment of hired spies, notoriously active in tempting the ignorant into crimes, has become manifest to the reproach of our nation, and to the terror of all who are faithful to the freedom and constitution of their country-your petitioner trusts he shall stand excused," &c.

That he might be the better enabled to labour for the cause of liberty, Major Cartwright wished to narrow his personal concerns. In 1813 he sold his Lincolnshire estate, and wrote to his wife

"MY DEAREST AND BEST FRIEND, The storm is at length over, and the haven reached; if not the haven of luxury, it will, I trust, be that of repose: there will be less for those I love than I reckoned on three months ago; but Heaven's will be done!

"With regard to the servant you mentioned, it is a satisfaction to me to be surrounded by those whose parents have been under our patronage, and amongst whom we have so good a chance of fidelity and attachment.

"To live to no end is a melancholy thing; and happiness, making some allowance for the constitutional frame of different minds, should seem to be in proportion to the end proposed."

In 1815 Major Cartwright changed the ground of his political tours, and visited our own coun. try. He obtained a full share of the abuse of the Edinburgh Tory print then most in vogue— The Correspondent-and a warm welcome from the Reformers, whom he found better instructed and more ripe than he had anticipated. Edinburgh was his landing-place, and from thence he visited Glasgow, where, upon the 1st of August, a public dinner was given to the veteran Radical.

The spirit and intelligence" found in the west," he says, "exceeded my most sanguine expectations." He visited at this time Stirling, Alloa, Kincardine, Dunfermline, Cupar, Dundee, Montrose, and Arbroath, In 1745 the law had not got to the north of the river Conan; and in 1815 liberal sentiments had not got beyond the Spey. Major Cartwright's northern bourn was Aberdeen. We must give a few extracts from his letters to Mrs Cartwright while he was in Scotland :

On the 23d of August, writing from Dundee, he informs Mrs Cartwright, "My success has hitherto been unabated, and, except a slight cold, I have been uncommonly well.

"In the garden of Mr Carnegie, near Forfar, I this morning saw a true national thistle twelve feet high. As the Latin motto to this armorial ensign signifies in English, No one injures me unpunished,' I conclude this is the tree, and the Scotch bonnet the cap of Liberty.

"At Brechin, I had a visit from Mr Maule with Mr Carnegie, who came here to meet me, and who afterwards met me at Forfar and took me to his house. His family put me in mind of old days at Marnham: nine children in the house, and two sons in India. I have twice crossed the South Esk where my brother George once spent a year in the house of Sir James Carnegie, for his darling enjoyments of fishing and shooting."

Edinburgh alone-which, while the courts of law, and the extensive patronage which is held through them, remain undiminished, will continue, we cannot say whether Whig, Tory, or Radical, but, beyond a doubt, the most ministerial city in the empire-Edinburgh alone, of all the towns he visited in Scotland, was the place where Major Cartwright perceived "nothing could be done."

"When," he says, "before the eve of my departure from this city, I perceived that nothing would be done, unless I personally broke the ice, I determined to deliver a lecture on the constitution of England. A few days were necessary for procuring a room. I was yesterday well attended, and well heard. In the evening the necessary resolutions were gone into, and the work will go on well."

"I have just written to the Duke of Roxburghe, to say that I will be with him on Tuesday. I have received a pressing invitation to Ireland, but have been obliged to decline going thither. Most sincerely do I condole with you on the loss of your niece. Short has been her career; but we are taught not to repine at the dispensations of Providence. We are all of us approaching the final goal: let us be prepared for the event; enjoying, as we can, the evening of life, with a pleasing anticipation of the morn that is to succeed."

"Such has been the extraordinary success of my proceedings, even where counteracting power and influence have been at the highest, that I wish my pocket would enable me to take a wider range, and that I could have the same companions as at home. Our excellent friend Bowyer being in residence, I met at his house with an elegant entertainment and good company. I spent three

"Major Cartwright visited Scotland during his missionary tour in behalf of Reform already alluded to, and his zeal and example acting upon the already-excited minds of the Scotch, produced such effects as might be anticipated. There were several meetings, particularly near Glasgow, Paisley, and the other manufacturing towns in the west of Scotland, for the purpose of petitioning Parliament, or adopting other measures in behalf of reform in the representation and retrenchment of expenditure."-New Annual Register, 1817 p. 306.

days agreeably, with my friend Losh, at Jesmond, (that is, Jesus' Mount,) at the side of which there is a holy well, which, in former days, cured all diseases, and now affords wholesome water of great purity. I hope you will see him this winter, as I should like you to see the true gentleman of the democratic school."

Is there such a one? What good thing can come from Galilee ?

To his reception in Scotland the patriarchal Reformer ever looked back with peculiar pleasure. His faithful servant said, on their return, that his master "could not have been received with more respect if he had been a prince."

In 1819 Sir Francis Burdett, (now in his political dotage,) was sent to the King's Bench prison for those bold strictures upon the outrage at Manchester, contained in a letter to Mr Brookes, which Major Cartwright described as "beyond all praise." The colleague of Sir Francis, in the representation of Westminster, Mr Hobhouse, was suffering his memorable imprisonment in Newgate, for "breach of privilege." It was said his friends wished him to recant, or to offer an apology for his ill-advised expressions. Major Cartwright visited him for the purpose of urging him to submit to any personal inconvenience, rather than purchase freedom at so dear a rate. On his return home, he remarked with a smile, "I soon saw my errand was unnecessary; the young man is firm." It had indeed been his practice to visit all those suffering political persecution, and he was soon to require like sympathy. Some of the inhabitants of Birmingham, to which large and important town any share in the national representation was, we need not say, denied, had taken the resolution to elect four members for Parliament, assuming the right they considered unjustly withheld. One candidate upon whom they fixed, was Sir Charles Wolseley, Bart, of Staffordshire, a Radical Reformer, and the personal friend of Major Cartwright. They had at first intended, as we have noticed, to elect four representatives; but to keep within the limits of law, they were induced, by the persuasions of the Major, to choose only one, and that under the name of the Legislatorial Attorney of Birmingham. The individual so appointed, instead of claiming his seat as matter of right, was to present a letter to the Speaker of the House, requesting, as of favour, to be permitted to act for his constituents-to be, as Cartwright expressed it, "a petition in the form of a living man, instead of one on parchment or paper." This experiment was made upon the 12th of July. Upon the previous 8th Major Cartwright wrote home:

"I am very glad I came down, as I think I have been of material use. I have declined the chair, or even appearing at the hustings."

From Wolseley Hall, on the 17th of July, he writes: "Sir Charles and I returned hither from Knutsford the evening of yesterday. I have had earnest invitations from Nottingham and Manchester, but have excused myself from visiting those places, for I was not aware that my appearance would do any good, whereas at Birmingham I thought I might be of some use.

"I shall visit my friend Mr Canning for a couple of days in my way to town.

"Wolseley is exquisitely beautiful. The river Trent bounds the garden. From my infantine associations I could not help feeling a sort of filial attachment to that old friend of my youth.'

Early in August he learned that a bill of indictment was preparing at Warwick against himself and his political associates at Birmingham. In our last number it was said Major Cartwright was imprisoned at Warwick, while Mr Lambton was attending meetings in Northumberland : Major Cartwright was not imprisoned, because he found bail. He immediately went down to Warwick, found bail, and returned to London. In this indictment for conspiracy "to raise disaffection and discontent among his Majesty's subjects," among the parties included was Mr Wooler.

The prosecution hanging over his head, did not daunt the spirit of the veteran Radical. He took an active share in meetings held in London in consequence of the Manchester transactions, and was appointed treasurer for the subscription for the sufferers. He republished Sir William Jones's tract upon suppressing riots, and drew up the series of resolutions adopted at a meeting of the electors of Middlesex, at which it was agreed to call the attention of the Prince Regent to the conduct of the Manchester magistracy. In the meanwhile he was preparing for his trial. In a letter to the Duke of Roxburghe, whom he wished to produce as a witness for the defence, he says―

I have good private intelligence that every effort will

be made to convict me.

Not knowing how far my prosecutors may choose to rake into my past life and actions, and what passages in my writings they may choose to quote or to pervert, it is necessary, and I am advised, to show what has been from first to last my political career.

To this end, I should shew in what associations I have acted, and in what company. One of the first was, as a deputy, together with Mr Wyvill, your Grace, and many other

men of rank and character. Afterwards, in the Society

for Constitutional Information, with the Duke of Richmond, Sir William Jones, Sir Samuel Romilly, &c. &c. Then again, in the Society of Friends of the People, with the Duke of Bedford, Earl Grey, Mr Tierney, &c. Then in the Hampden Club, with the Duke of Norfolk, Sir John Throckmorton, &c.; and in the Union for Parliamentary Reform according to the Constitution, with Sir John Throckmorton, Mr Clive, Mr Francis Canning, &c.

In consequence of this line of defence, your Grace will have a subpoena, and, trusting to your heart-of-oak constitution, I earnestly hope you will be able to attend at Warwick.

In March 1820 he writes to a friend :

"The work of hell" is already begun in a gross and flagrant packing of the jury. On Friday we are to meet to reduce it from forty-eight to twenty-four, when we shall have a third battle on the point. We fought it first before the coroner, and the next morning before Justice Holroyd, who refused to set aside the panel. On Friday I mean to speak out, and to insist that the packed panel shall be dissolved, and the business begin again de novo; and, if it fail, we are determined to have another fight at the assizes.

His further efforts to purify the jury were, however, of little avail, and he could only declare that he considered the manner in which the jury was composed, as a legal assassination of the defendants, and that he could not sink into the grave with a quiet conscience, if he did

not openly protest against it. The jury was to consist of forty-eight persons, and the whole number summoned was but fifty-four! In consequence of the illness, or perhaps disinclination of Mr Justice Best, the trial was adjourned at the spring, and brought on at the summer assize. It occupied two days. The principles which guided Major Cartwright in the management of his case, merit to be recorded. He declined the assistance of the most eminent counsel, lest their defence should be constructed upon reasons of expediency, to obtain an acquittal for himself at the expense of the great cause to which he was devoted.

"I know," said he, "that, from a sense of duty to their client, their object would be to get me off at any rate, and to secure me from personal risk; but my object is, to advocate that cause which is in greater jeopardy than myself."

Accordingly, in examining the rough draft of his defence, the following memorandum appears :"My defence not to be fashioned for a mere personal acquittal: must not be lowered in tone and sense to the level of a Warwickshire jury, but intended as an appeal to the great jury of the English nation. Not framed only for the trial of the defendant, but for that of the constitution and liberties of the country."

Upon this unique defence, framed on such high motives, we cannot enter. The verdict, as might have been anticipated, was guilty against all the persons named in the indictment; and next day, when some of his family complained of its sweeping nature, probably not thinking him in so great a degree legally guilty as the rest, he had the magnanimity to say-" Be assured, that if I had been separated from the other defendants, on account of any lenity shewn merely to my age or situation in life, I should have left Warwick with feelings of humiliation which I cannot describe."

While the prosecution was impending, he had birth-day of Queen Caroline; and before his acted as chairman at a meeting to celebrate the punishment had been awarded, he stood forward the zealous champion of a cause, which Dr Parr, in writing to him, truly describes in these words: -“ I hold with you, that the honour of the Queen is closely connected with the constitutional rights of the people; and, at all events, we are gaining ground against a venal and oppressive crew in the palace, in the councilchamber, and in both houses of Parliament."

"a

Major Cartwright, now bearing the burden of fourscore years, was peculiarly active in tracing the Spy Fletcher, or Franklin, or Forbes, for this worthy had many aliases. Writing to a friend about this notorious person, whom he calls " wretch of the most infamous character," he says " Although he has, by misconduct of a magistrate, for the present escaped from the arm of the law, Mr Pearson has succeeded in obtaining unimpeachable evidence, proving that all the seditious and treasonable placards which have been published during the last three years in the metropolis, and addressed to persons attending popular meetings, during the agitated state of the public feeling, were the productions of this man."

His sentence was the comparatively light one, of a fine of one hundred pounds. Mr Wooler was sentenced to a confinement of fifteen months in Warwick gaol, Mr Edmonds to nine months, and Mr Maddocks to eighteen months! Each of these three individuals were to find security for the period of five years. Major Cartwright took a canvass bag from his pocket in court, and counted down the hundred pieces-quietly observing, that he believed they were all good sovereigns.

We wish that our space permitted a fuller selection from the memorable sayings of this distinguished patriot. He was no temporizing admirer of the lukewarm, cowardly quality, sometimes miscalled Moderation. Temper in conduct he held to be right, but moderation in principle, he said, "is being unprincipled. As to the general question whether it be right for me or any man to stand forward in the cause, we must decide whether it be or not the will of God that truth and justice should prevail." As much as he disliked lukewarmness, he admired enthusiasm "that ardent spirit in the composition of the mind, without which it neither resists corruption nor is influenced by a genuine love of liberty."

We wish that his opinion of the principle which should regulate electors in giving their votes, were better understood and more fashionable. "I have no fox-hunter's vote to bestow on any one," he said, “neither have I a vote for party or connection; no, nor even for sacred friendship. To my friend I will give my purse, my heart; but I will not give him that which is not mine. My vote I hold in trust; it belongs to my country, and my country alone shall have it." "The only candidate I can assist is he on whom I can rely for a sincere co-operation in every attempt in the House of Commons." Upon another occasion, in an address to the electors of Boston, for which place he had been invited to stand, he remarks-" A vote is not of the nature of a chattel, that we can legally or morally sell or give away. .. It is a sacred right held in trust, to be exercised only for the good of our country. A vote on an election, is what a verdict is on a jury: as we are bound to give this for the ends of private justice, so we are equally bound to give that for the sole end of public justice. . On the nature of a canvass you already know my sentiments; I shall, therefore, not feel myself entitled to any vote, unless, at the time of polling, the party give it with a perfect consciousness of fulfilling to his country the sacred duty of an elector."

Expediency, so called, he detested as much as mis-named Moderation. It is a Whig quality, as well as the shuffler's plea.

In a letter, written in 1808, to Mr W. Smith,

confess I see no good to be done by coalitions or ministries, in which the Whigs are to have a share. We have had them both, and what was the benefit? . . . . If the Whig leaders would, for a moment, forget the ignis fatuus, expediency, which, for half a century, has led them into nothing but deserts and quagmires, and "seek the only means of strength, public confidence, by deserving it, they might do their country great good even yet." This looks like a prophecy at the present moment.

Those numerous writings of Major Cartwright in favour of civil liberty, which were dispersed over a period of forty-five years, cannot be noticed here. We have seen their essence in the few quotations made, and, above all, in the consistent, unblemished, and useful public life of the excellent person whose ruling passion was the love of freedom, and an enthusiastic attachment to the best interests of mankind. Of his political teachings, and, above all, of his example, we are reaping, and are yet to gather in the fruits; but his character we hold to be of far more value to the cause of liberty than his written advocacy. We have abundant able political essayists; but where shall we find the same singleness of mind and of purpose, the same candour, temper, magnanimity, perseverance, courage, and hopefulness, that distinguished the career of " the good old Major," who was beyond his age in enlightened opinion, but still farther above its level in the public and private virtues which illustrate the patriot and the citizen?

Major Cartwright's health, which had for thirty years been precarious and delicate, became confirmed when he had reached the age of seventy, but at fourscore-and-four the decay of life was felt. After, in September 1824, trying the effects of country air, he returned to his London residence, saying, "God's will be done." He died on the 23d September. Among his last words were these" Say to all inquiring friends, that I never ceased to entertain the most consolatory hopes of the ultimate establishment of civil and religious liberty, but to this end there must be virtuous instruments, which, it is to be hoped, the times will supply."

From his niece, who appears to have regarded her distinguished relative with reverential and warm affection, we shall borrow the portrait of our Radical, but we must first give one anecdote of the kind of men who are stigmatized as destructives, spoliators, and plunderers. This anecdote was addressed by Mr Godfrey Higgins to the Speaker of the House of Commons in 1820.

I cannot refrain from doing an act of justice to that much abused and defamed gentleman, Major Cartwright. Some years ago he was bound in many thousand pounds for a friend who was unfortunate in trade. My father being interested, through the medium of a banker, who

had also failed, and wanted a considerable part of it, I was sent to London at the time Sir James Sanderson, who was, I believe, also interested, was mayor, to inquire about it. I called on the Major, and upon telling him

the object of my visit, looking at me very steadfastly, he

said "Sir, I am instructed by my law adviser, that the transaction betwixt my friend and the banker, for whom

you want this money, was usurious, and that I am not bound by law to pay a single farthing of it." I dare say I looked rather uncomfortable, because my law adviser had instructed me precisely to the same effect; but after a moment's pause, he added—I was honestly bound for my friend, and I shall honestly pay the money; I only ask time to sell part of my estate to raise it, till when, I will pay you five per cent." The estate was sold, and the money paid before the year's end. I cannot believe that this gentleman wants a revolution, that he may profit by a scramble for the property of the rich.

Of the personal appearance of her uncle, Miss Cartwright writes

Except his upper lip, which was somewhat too long, his features were regular, and the form and colour of his eye most beautiful; his height was somewhat more than five feet ten inches, and his figure finely proportioned.

His dress was peculiar, for in that he consulted convenience alone, and therefore, or many years, had not varied the form of his clothes to suit the fashions or whim of the day.

His manners were those of a perfect gentleman, and his deportment was peculiarly dignified and graceful. A young lady once remarked-“ If I had seen Major Cartwright begging and in rags, I must instinctively have courtsied to him.'

In the early part of his life he was passionately fond of field sports, and particularly of hunting, which he fol

lowed with his usual alacrity, till other more important objects engrossed his undivided attention.

His brother, Dr Cartwright, who had been himself, when young, remarkable for his feats in horsemanship, once observed to the writer, that his brother John was in every respect the best and most elegant rider he had ever

seen.

We could not more appropriately close this notice than with the following lines, which appeared in the Morning Chronicle a few days after Major Cartwright was tried at Warwick :

"TO THE MODERN ARISTIDES.
"Thou goed old man! no selfish smart
E'er rankled in that generous heart;
Else would this unexpected stroke,
A keener sense of wrong provoke;
Nor should we see, as now, combin'd,
The gentlest with the firmest mind,
Intent on others' cares alone,
Regardless wholly of thine own.
Yet I must weep-must weep, to see
Thy country so unworthy thee!
Long labouring to avert the fate
Which threatens a corrupted state;
Still would'st thou every danger brave,
That country to support and save.
But why the useless strain prolong?
This cruel hour of bitter wrong

Proves thou hast been the just' too long."

FRIENDS, dulness is our foe, the foe of all.
Come, ye are bidden to his festival,
By Nero, Cæsar, and the Consul, thrice:
Nero, earth's emperor and music's lord,
Who to the speaking chord,

With art, Ionian blends his silver voice.

How gladly hither at my word ye pour! Never were pleasures mingled thus before; Not by Agenan in the days of old,

Nor in those feasts of love and joy combined, Where Seneca relaxed his cynic mind,

And quaffed his wine from gold.

Nor when, embarked on Tiber's glassy tide,
We lay, with smiling Aglae by our side,
'Neath Asian canopies and glowing bowers;
Nor when the Prefect to the lions flung
A thousand captives young,

Whose iron chains were hid with wreathing flowers.

Come! Rome shall burn before ye-ay, all Rome!
My couch is set upon this lofty dome;
Lo! see the flames, and watch their kindling ire!
What are the fights of men and tigers now?
Our Circus is the hills, where Rome must bow
Before devouring fire!

"Tis thus Earth's Emperor should charm away
The cold, dull blight, which makes his heart its prey,
And scatter lightning even as a god!

But come-night falls, and now begins our wake-
The burning, like a hideous snake,
Already lifts its wing and darts its tongues abroad.

There! see ye there! how fast it rolls along
Its writhing volumes on its victim strong,
And seems to kiss the walls with blasting breath?
See! its embraces shroud the palaces
Ah! I have felt embraces like to these,
And kisses fraught with death.

Hark to those sounds-look on that sombre spireThose figures wandering, ghost-like, through the fireUntil the silence is as dread as ever!

Pillars of iron, gates with golden beams,

Are melted into streams,

And carry glowing flames into the hissing river.

All perish! jasper, marble, statues-all,
Despite their boasted holiness, must fall.
My will the flames are eager to perform:
They gather onwards still, and still invade;
And see the winds themselves have sent their aid,
Making a fiery storm.

Old Capitol, adien! Amidst the swell

Yon aqueduct stands like the bridge of hell ;'Tis Nero's will-the towers, the domes shall down! O'er universal Rome the glare is seen

Give thanks, thou boasted Queen!

To him who binds thy brows with such a glorious

crown.

They told me, boy, that in the Sybils' lay
"Tis writ that Rome should never know decay;
That Time should sicken at her feet and die;
That her immortal star should never wane-
Tell me, my friends, how many hours remain
Of that eternity?

By night how glorious such a burning is!
Erostratus himself had envied this.
What is a nation's sorrow to my will?
It flies!-the element is round it now!

Pluck off the chaplet from my brow-
The fire which levels Rome the flowers may kill!
If blood should dim your robes of festal shine,
Friends, wash the stain away with Cretan wine-→→
The sight of blood is sweet but to the wrong.
Keep we such cruel pastime from our eyes!
Curst be the man who loves his victim's cries!
We stifle them with song.