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this liam Pitt, by J2.Debrett.

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MONTHLY CATALOGUE,

POLIȚ ICAL Obfervations and Reflections on the Origin of Jacobin Principles;

the leading Disenters Politics ; the Necessity of the present War; the Caufes and Effects of the late Bankruptcies; the Constitution and Commerce of this Country; and on a Letter addressed to the Right Honourable William Pitt, by Jasper Wilson, Esq. By a

fincere Friend of his Country. Svo. 25. Debrett. 1794. THE celebrity of Mr. Wilson's pamphlet never appeared to us so

extraordinary as since we had the happiness to read the present Observations, in which we find such a character of Mr. Wilson, as will effectually deter us, and perhaps our readers, from ever looking at, or mentioning that nefarious Letter again. Without subscribing to all Mr. Wilson's sentiments, we confess we took him to be a calm reasoner, an enemy to the war, merely from the ill effects it might produce upon his country, and we imagined (but the weakness of our undertanding must account for it) that his assertions, if falfe, might have been contradicted by facts, and his arguments, if fallacious, repelled by others of a more substantial kind. But in all this we have been mistaken; Mr. Wilson is quite another person. In the first place, according to the author of the pamphlet before us, Mr. Wilson is a rascally poacher, so industrious in the dark, with nets, snares, and traps, as to prove very often highly injurious to the Tecurity, peace, and prosperity of the country.' In his character of poacher, he has "Spread a treacherous letter before Mr. Pitt, which is found worthy of much applause and grave observation by the malcontents' — They find in it a palatable mixture of Feuitical insincerity'-Mr. Wilson is connected with minority jacobinical friends - he is a malcontent,' gives us 'observations gloomy and hacknied :' yet what he says may sound very well in jacobin ears'

-he paints gloomy and malignant pictures,' ay, and miserable and insolent pictures: -- he talks of bankruptcies, as of every thing else, with the treacherous, but we trust, ineffectual view of shaking the commercial confidence and credit of his own country, and of all other nations, which would, no doubt, prove very favourable to jacobinical revolutions.'-" His observations on the increase of the military establishment of Europe, and the support they have received from the funding fyfem, are as trite as posible, worth very little notice, and would be read only as heads of chapters, if it were not for the virulence and malignant asperity, with which he endeavours. to excite in his countrymen an aversion and contempt for all the nations of Europe; and a feditious dissatisfaction with the government of their own country.'-_ If what he has said of the empresa of

Russia,

Raflia, had been said of Peter the Great, in his own life time; or of almost any other potentate in Europe, they would have demand-, ed reparation of our court by their ambassadors, for so outrageous an insult. But that great princess, knowing the licentiousness, as well as the liberty of the British press, will doubtless treat it with filent contempt.' But all this is not wonderful, as Mr. Wilson deals in · supercilious pride, tumidity, and contemptuous irony ;'- Like the mountain in labour, he heaves and rolls, and raises our expectation, and is delivered of a ridiculous moufr.'-— He is a denocratical revolutionist.'--and uses the most feditious and malevolens expreflons againft the peace and prosperity of the country, for which he hypocritically affects to feel a benevolent concern. This good fort of malevolence, this frank insincerity, and this afperity of love and patriotism, seemn extremely well calculated to work on the crazy minds of our irrational ma!contents'--and lastly, for we have, too much respect for literary property to make very free with this pamphlet,' he is a mischievous mo key who very ill deserves to live in these times under the protection of the British conftitution and government'- If any excuse can be admitted for the maichlefs als furance of this writer, it can be nothing Mort of madness'-nay, ie are told that he actually · begins one of his paragraphs with a sort of confession of insanity.'

Attached as we profess ourselves to be to the conftitution and government, we differ in many points from Mr. Wilson, but, till now, we never thought we had been reading the work of a rafcally poacher, a jacobin, a malcontent, and a madman. — These discoveries were reserved for fagacity superior to ours—the fagacity of the present author. The Essence of the Calm Observer, on the Subjects of the Concert of

Princes, the Dismemberment of Poland, and the War with France. (First published in the Morning Chronicle between July 20, 1792, and June 25, 1793.) 8vo. Is. 6d. Symonds. 1793.

The length and diffusion of thought observable in the excellent pamphlet, noticed in the first pages of this Number, has probably Tuggested that it would be doing no unacceptable service to the pub. lic, to give the subtance of it in a smaller form. It is done in the way of extrait not of abftract, for the words of the author are retained, only leaving out what was thought least important, and classing the arguments under diftinct heads. We hope it may have an influence in increasing the number of those who may take them under their confideration. A Glimpse through the Gloom, in a candid Discussion of the Policy of

Peace, and an impartial Review of the Prospect before us; with a Glance at the N/arquis of Landsorune's late Speech and Motion, 8vo. 25. 6d. Owen. 1794.

· The following Meets were published in Scotland, in a private edition, about the middle o December : one hundred copies only

were

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were printed and distributed to friends; they were well neant, both with respect to the war, and to renel the ardour of immediate reform, and were so received. At the initigation of many of these esteemed friends, and with the same intentions, the au'hor, with some cor: rections and additions, now submits his sentimerts to the public eye.'

That his sentiments are well meant we are not disposed to doubt, but we could with they had been more clearly exprefled. He runs hastily over all the popular topics of the day, without giving a decided opinion on any; he is alternately for and against the French, the war, reform of parliament, the bishops, &c. &c. and it is al. most impossible to say, where we have him and where we have him not. A man' may amuse himself, or his esteemed friends, by rhapsodies like this, but his labour is loft on the public, who defirous of a glimise, must be egregiously disappointed to find the gloom deepened. A comprehensive Reply to NIr. Pitt's Speech, on the Opening of Par. ' liament, January 21, 1794, containing an Examination of the Grounds and Object of the present War, with a Proposition for a successful Mode of pursuing it, that would immediately reduce our Expenditure, and lead to a secure and permanent Peace. Also, a Comment on the present in "ficacious Manner of Attempt to Refor m2 the Law, with a Difension of the Necu Tax upon Attorneys. Likewise an Investigation of the Act of Parliament to riftrain the Payment of Monies due to the French. By the Author of ike Er

rors of the present Administration. Exo. 25. 6d. Ridgway. 1794. · In this publication the vulnerable parts of Mr. Pitt's conductare feebly attacked; all is not faid that the subjects which the author engages in admit of; and, wliat is equally unfortunate, there is a great want of perfpicuity in his language. The Trial of Daniel Ifaac Eaton, for publishing a supposed Libel, in

tiiuleil Politics for the Prople ; or, Huy's W dlh : at Fustice Hall in the Old Bailly, Fib. 24, 1764. 8vo. 15. Symonds. 1794.

There is nothing interesting in this trial; the counsel advanced the usual arguments for and aguinst the excrcite of frcedom in writing. The libel itself feerns impotent and contemptible, and from that opipion of it, the jury were probably induced to acquit the defendant of the principal part of the charge, and to bring in a verdict of not guilty. A Defultery Sketch of the Abitfis in the Militia, cwith comparative Reflections on the Increase of our Military Eftabliments and the Decrease of our llunufačiures ; to which is added an accurate Abfireet from the last prizted Lifts, by which it will appear that there are apruerds of 14000 Oficers, on full and Half-pay, whilf there. exif 2 ro Hundred and Thirty-eight Vacancies in the Militia at this critical Functure. Addreffect in the Right Hon. Francis Earl of Molin. Evo. 35. Bell. '1794.

We do not think the most inirortant part of this work that which stands most forward in the title-page. The whole, however, is ably written, and does honour' to the sentiments and feelings of the author, who alledges that he has founded his observations on facts alone.

But, says he, they are brought forward not so much to criminate the leaders in government for the palpable abuses of their servants, as to rouse the members of both houses to a timely sense of that necessity for correction which the circumstances of the times demand. The work, of which this address is the forerunner, will be found to contain innumerable instances of neglected or perverted regulations, and a variety of proposed amendments, in a succinét methodical display of what the army and militia might be, were they differently modelled.

o Corruptions are not withholden because there is a prevailing spirit of unqualified resistance to every species of reform and innovation, nor are the suggestions of possible sound sense and policy laid by, because they may be tortured into disaffection. I know how difficult it is to obtain admission to the minds of men which have been previously occupied by partial fear and intereft ; and how improbable every sort of success must appear in endeavouring 'to persuade, while there is a para pet of mistrust between man and man.

"To those whose situations must naturally be affected by the re. moval of abuses, the most flender proposition will look hideous and deformed, because the introduction of it must, like the probe of an able surgeon, discover more evil than a weak mind is willing to acknowledge. When an individual is under the influence of timidi.

ty to so high a degree that he would rather be deprived of life than · fuffer the amputation of a mortified limb, it is humanity to despise

his fears by enforcing the operation. That this simile would hold good in almost every situation of the body politic no man could deny, were not the alarms of the country of so complicated a nature that the very shadow of energetic remonftrance on the side of the people, will be readily construed into open insurrection. Perfecution-I wish I could use a milder term—seems posted at the entrance of almost every office, not only to prevent corre&tion but to punish investigation. With a sentry of that fort, corruption lits plumed within the limits of its own indulgence and ridicules the admonitions of men who, by a candid comparison of events and causes, endeavour to obviate effects.'

Such, he adds, is • the honest purport' of his address, and we fee " no more reason to doubt the purity of his motives than the clearness and competency of his arguments, which have no other fault than that of being expresied a little too much at length. Thoughts on the present War with France : addrefled to all Ranks of

People in Great Britain. Sve. 6d. Faulder. 1794. Crumbs of comfort in a time of war. “Seeing these inconveni£pces are unavoidable, some persons must consequently feel them ;

and

and as they are not designed to fall on any individual in particular, there is no more reason for one to complain than an other.' And It behoves us to be on our guard, to take in the whole of things, and not to imagine our distresses and difficulties to be greater than they are, merely because they are present.'-This author struggles as well as a man can do who is fast jammed between predefiir.arianism and politics, and is not very intimate with either. Hopes and Expectations, grounded on the present Situation of the · Emigrant Members of the Roman Catholic Church, now resident in

England. 8vo. 6d. Faulder. 1793.

These hopes and expectations are, that the Roman Catholic clergy will cease to charge us with herefy, and that the reception they have met with in this country will incline them to examine anew the grounds of our difference in religious faith. We doubt the delicacy of introducing such a subject at this juncture; but the author has certainly written in a commendable strain of moderation and calm. ness. An Attempt to establish the Bafis of Freedom on fimple and unerring

Principles ; in a Series of Letters. By Charles Patlon. 8vo. Ifa · Debrett. 1793.,

The principles upon which Mr. Patton would establish freedom, are there ; that the end of all dominion is to secure to mankind the freedom of their persons, and the posesion of their property ; that in all civilized countries, the inhabitants are naturally divided into two great classes, continually endeavouring to encroach upon each other; and that all just power must take its rise from a combination of perfons and property. That the representative form of government is beft fuited to freedom, and that the representatives ought to confift of one half chosen by property, and the other by perfons. The executive power is the best means to balance the two contending pax. ties in the legislative alleinbly, and that power should te placed in the hands of a single person ; and must be possessed of influence in the legislative assembly, in order to maintain the balance. The creation of peers, he afferts, renders armed force unnecessary in a well-poised government. The transactions in France, since the revolution, are brought forward to thew how much that nation have mistaken the true basis of freedom. He contends, that although popular governments, by raising the lower class above their natural level in the general scale of society, may tend to make them fight a foreign foe with a degree of enthusiasın proportioned to their consequence in the state ; yet such governments, it appears from examples, did not enjoy that domestic tranquillity and happiness which equitable laws, and a consciousness of the absolute fecurity of pro. perty, and of personal freedom, must ever produce. .

These positions, Mr. Patton establishes with considerable strength of argument, and his pamphlet may be ranked among the best de

fences

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