The name tabernariae was taken from the tabernae, the booths of the artisans and 3. The plots of the togatae are generally laid at Rome, though not unfrequently also in a provincial town, in order to ridicule either the life of a small town or satirise Rome in a disguised manner, or to describe the impression produced by Rome on a man from the country; cf. the titles Brundisinae, Ferentinatis, Setina, Veliterna, Ulubrana. From the mere titles appears the large admixture of the female sex (even of virgins), and this is still more shown by the fragments. Cf. also SERV. Aen. 11, 160 in togatis victrices appellantur quae viros extulerunt. DONATUS on Ter. Eun. 12 is very significant: concessum est in palliata poetis comicis servos dominis sapientiores fingere, quod item in togata non fere licet. 4. DIOMED. GL. 1, 490 togatas tabernarias in scenam dataverunt praecipue duo, L. Afranius et G. Quintius. Ps.-ACRO (from Suet.? see AKIESSLING, de personis horat. 8) on Hor. AP. 288 following an absurd explanation of the terms praetexta (=comedy with Roman subject-matter) and togata (=comedy with Greek subjectmatter): praetextas et togatas scripserunt Aelius Lamia, Antonius Rufus (these two otherwise unknown, cf. also § 254, 3), Cn. Melissus (§ 244, 2), Afranius, Pomponius (284, 7). A performance of Afranius' Incendium under Nero, SUET. Ner. 11. Togatae publicly recited: Iuv. 1, 3.—A certain togatarius Stephanio (cui in puerilem habitum circumtonsam matronam ministrasse compererat Augustus and whom he therefore per trina theatra virgis caesum relegavit) occurs in SUET. Aug. 45; cf. Plin. NH. 7, 159 minus miror Stephanionem, qui primus togatus (more correctly togatas, cf. tragoediam saltare, § 13, 6) saltare instituit, utrisque saecularibus ludis (a. 737/17 and 800/47) saltavisse etc. Thus the Pantomimus appropriated the subject-matter of the togatae, as it had that of the tragedies and palliatae (§ 8, 13). 5. In imitation of the arrangement of the palliata AFRANIUS has prologues (v. 25-30. MACR. S. 6, 5, 6 Afranium . qui in prologo ex persona Priapi ait, just as, in his Sella, Sophia appeared as a speaker) and cantica (even synodic ones). Cic. Sest. 118 cum ageretur togata—Simulans, ut opinor-caterva tota clarissima concentione contionata est. The adoption of the parasites belongs to the same features, though the Roman clientship and the scurrae offered analogies. The fragments of togatae are collected in RIBBECK, com. 131.— JHNEUKIRCH, de fab. togata, Lps. 1833; LADEWIG PRE. 6, 3024; MOMMSEN RG. 1o, 904. 26, 436. 18. The Roman writers on literature specify the Rhinthonica as a separate variety of Roman comedy; it was named after the farce-writer (pλvakoуpúpos) Rhinthon of Tarentum, whose iλapoτpaywdiaι were travesties of tragic subjects, but none of the names of the Roman adapters nor any titles or remains of Roman Rhinthonicae have come down to us. Some of these however may be incorporated among the Atellanae on mythological subjects. 1. For the authorities on the Roman Rhinthonica see § 12, 1. LYD. de mag. 1, 40 'Pivowvikǹ (¿otiv) ʼn ¿¿wrikh (cf. Plaut. Men. 2, 1, 11 Graeciamque exoticam of southern Italy). For Rhinthon, who flourished under Ptolemaios I Soter (a. 320–285 B.C.=437/469 U.c.), see esp. Suid. s.v. 'Pivowv. STEPH. BYz. v. Tápas. The kwμwdoTpay dia of Alkaios, Deinolochos and Anaxandrides (MEINEKE, hist. crit. com. gr. 247) is older than the iXaporpaywdía, of which Rhinthon was the ȧpxnyòs (see SUID. s.v.), and is therefore not identical with it. Perhaps the xwuwdorpaywdia was more like a comedy compared with the farcical iλaporpaɣwdía, possibly like Plaut. Amphitr., which in the prologue v. 59 and 63 is called a tragi [co] comoedia. (Tragicocomoedia in LUTAT. on Stat. Theb. 5, 160.) Cf. also VARRO's Pseudotragoediae (§ 165, 2). Plautus' Amphitruo is certainly not a Rhinthonica; see VAHLEN, RhM. 16, 472. 2. The separation of the Rhinthonica from the Atellana is probably only founded on a quibble of the theorists. Titles of Atellanae which indicate farcical travesties of mytho-tragical subjects are Agamemno suppositus, Ariadne, Armorum iudicium (?), Atalante, Sisyphus by Pomponius, Phoenissae by Novius, Autonoe (Iuv. 6, 71).— In general cf. NEUKIRCH, de fab. tog. 15. EMUNK, de fabb. Atell. 84. Vahlen, RhM. 15, 472. E. SOMMERBRODT, de phlyacogr. graec. (Bresl. 1875) p. 43. 19. The Romans possessed a tendency to preserve and cherish the recollection of past events; and as they perceived that metre facilitated both recollection and tradition, we find here a field favourable to the development of epic poetry. Hence we have at an early age ancestral songs and inscriptions of various kinds somewhat like the epic in style. The saturnian measure employed in them was also used by the most ancient epic poets, Andronicus and Naevius, the first a mere translator in his Latin Odyssey, the latter in his bellum punicum boldly plunging into the life of his nation and time. Like him, his successor Ennius chose, in his Annals, a national subject, which he expanded to a complete Roman history down to his own time, and treated in dactylic hexameters. His example became the type for later poets, both as to subject-matter and form. During the next century no other poet attempted an epic poem; but then Hostius, plainly following Ennius, wrote a bellum istricum, and similarly L. Accius and A. Furius and later on Tanusius wrote epics entitled Annales. Cicero himself wrote poems in hexameters on his consulship and exile (de suo consulatu, de temporibus meis), while Varro Atacinus treated of Caesar's bellum sequanicum. In the. Augustan period Anser eulogised M. Antony, and others treated subjects of the history of the period in the manner of the Alexandrine poets and partly with panegyric tendencies, as L. Varius (de morte, sc. Caesaris; Panegyricus Augusti), Tibullus (?Panegyricus Messalae), Octavianus himself (Sicilia); important epic fragments remain to us by Cornelius Severus (res romanae), Rabirius (bellum actiacum ?), Albinovanus Pedo (de navigatione Germanici per oceanum septentrionalem). In the Imperial period epic poetry was chiefly devoted to the past: Lucan's Pharsalia, the epic poem de bello civili (in PETRONIUS sat. 119), and Silius Italicus' Punica). About the middle of the 3rd century of our era such subjects still found favour, and Alfius Avitus treated them even in iambic dimeters. But when contemporary history furnished the material, as under Trajan authors selected a bellum dacicum and parthicum, such subjects could only be treated in courtly fashion. To this class belong Gordian's Antoninias, Claudian with his numerous eulogistic epics on Stilicho, and the bellum gildonicum and pollentinum; lastly Corippus' Johannis and laudes Iustini. 1. The interest of the epic subject-matter remained always predominant and decisive. Cic. de imp. Pomp. 25 sinite hoc loco, sicut poetae solent qui res romanas scribunt, praeterire me nostram calamitatem. The Roman magnates longed to be glorified in poetry, e.g. Cic. Arch. 26. 27. Augustus systematically favoured and promoted epic compositions, and to abstain from them almost required an excuse, as in the case of Horace. A large number of real or pretended epic poets enumerated by OVID. Pont. 4, 16. In the time of Nero epic composition was fashionable, see PERSIUS 1, 69, Cf. PETRON. 118. MARTIAL. 4, 14. 10, 64, STAT. silv. 2, 7, 48. HSCHILLER, Nero 611. In PRISCIAN. GL. 2, 237 are three hexameters taken from the epic poem, in at least three books, of a certain Gannius (G. Annius ? cf. § 209, 12). Phrases (in prose) taken from a certain (orator, cf. § 137, 4) Gannius, Paul. Festi 369 v. veteratores. A certain Canius as author of an iambic verse in VARRO LL. 6, 81. 83 2. KONE, in his Sprachgebrauch der röm. Epiker, Münst. 1840, argues that the dactylic hexameter is greatly at variance with the phonetic constituents of the Latin tongue, and that the exigencies of this metre imposed many restrictions on the Roman poets. Cf. FCHULTGREN, d. Technik der röm. Dicht. im ep. u. eleg. Versmass, JJ. 107, 745. TнBIRT, ad hist. hexam. lat. symb., Bonn 1876. MW HUMPHREYS, de accentus momento in versu heroico, Lps. 1874. HHELBIG, de synaloephae ap. epicos lat. primi p. Chr. saeculi ratione, Bautzen 1878. KP SCHULZE, Hochton u. Vershebung in den 2 letzten Füssen des lat. Hex. Zf GW. 29, 590 etc. 3. FWINKELMANN, d. epischen Dicht. d. Röm. bis auf Virgil, in JAHN's Arch. 2, 558. OHAUBE, de carminibus epicis saec. Augusti, Bresl. 1870; die Epen des silb. Zeitalters d. röm. Lit., Fraustadt 1886. On the introduction of similes among the epic and elegiac writers see JWALSER, ZfdöG. 29, 595. 4. Collection of the works of the Latin poets (excluding the scenici) by WE WEBER (corpus poett. lat., Frankf. 1831); of the lesser Latin poems preserved in manuscript by JCHRWERNSDORF (poetae lat. minores, Altenb. u. Helmst. 178099 VI) and EBÄHRENS (poetae lat. min., Lps. 1879-83 V). As a supplement fragmenta poett. roman. coll. et emend. EBÄHRENS, Lps. 1886 (containing the passages from poets scattered in various authors, besides the fragments of the scenici and the satura Menippea). On the editions of the so-called Anthologia latina and the collections of the Lat. poems preserved in inscriptions see § 31, 4. 20. An heroic epic was impossible at Rome in its original state, the Italian gods being mere abstractions, and godlike heroes unknown to the people. When, therefore, towards the end of the Republic the influence of the Alexandrine poets caused this class of epic poetry to be cultivated, it was necessary to choose foreign subjects for mythological tales. Thus Varro Atacinus (Argonautae), Catullus (Epithalamium Pelei et Thetidos), Helvius Cinna (Smyrna), Licinius Calvus (Io), Pedo (Theseis), as well as (in respect of its subject-matter) Ovid's Metamorphoses, later on (the Culex and) the Ciris, and Valerius Flaccus (Argonautica). Others translated the Iliad, e.g. C. Matius, at a later time Gaurus and, as appears probable, the young Silius Italicus as the author of the so-called Homerus latinus; aspirants of a higher order reverted to the Epic Cycle, as Ninnius Crassus (the Cyprian Iliad), Furius Bibaculus (Aethiopis ?), Pompeius Macer (Antehomerica and Posthomerica), Julius Antonius (Diomedea), Domitius Marsus (Amazonis), Camerinus (Excidium Troiae), Lupus and Largus; at a later time Nero's Troica, Lucan's Iliaca, Statius' Thebais and Achilleis etc. At the end of the fourth century Claudian wrote his mythological epics Raptus Proserpinae and Gigantomachia. At the end of the fifth the African Dracontius adapted the rape of Helen, the legend of Medea and parts of the myth of Herakles (Hylas and Hydra); he is in all probability also the author of the Orestis tragoedia. Between the historic or national and the Alexandrine or mythological classes stands Vergil's Aeneid, in which an indigenous legend is told in a historic and psychological manner, but with a mythological background; and this became the pattern of poetical composition to the subsequent poets. 1. Influence of rhetoric, especially in the style of description, e.g. Sen. Apoc. 2, 3 omnes poetae, non contenti ortus et occasus describere (like Julius Montanus, SEN. ep. v. 122, 11–13), etiam medium diem inquietant. A pathetic style was required: heroici carminis sonus, Tac. dial. 10. The style of the heroic epic was also transferred to the historic class, as in Silius: cf. PETRON. 118 non enim res gestae versibus comprehendendae sunt, quod longe melius historici faciunt, sed per ambages deorumque ministeria et fabulosum sententiarum tormentum praecipitandus est liber spiritus, ut potius furentis animi vaticinatio appareat quam religiosae orationis sub testibus fides. 2. Influence of Vergil see § 231.-The Troiae halosis in senarii (in PETRON. 89) given as a speech to Eumolpus already diverges from the traditional model. In the same metre Avienus at a later time paraphrased Vergil and Livy (§ 420, 6). Similar Greek paraphrases in trimeter were produced in large numbers (e.g. of Theokritos, Apollonios, Kallimachos and other Alexandrine poetry) by the Hellenised Roman Marianus about the year 500 A.D.; see SUID. S. v.-LACTANT. inst. div. 1, 11 (FPR. 405) non insulse quidam poeta triumphum Cupidinis scripsit (list of contents follow): qu. whether an Epyllion or in elegiac metre? whether Greek (EROHDE, gr. Rom. 108. 544) or Latin perhaps in the style of Reposianus (§ 398, 2)? 21. After the victory of Christianity the epic poets who belonged to the new faith treated subjects from the biblical history of the Old and New Testaments, instead of Roman history or Greek mythology. Thus Proba Faltonia in her cento; subjects from the Old Testament were treated by Avitus, by Claudius Victor (Genesis) and by Victorinus (the Maccabees), also by the author of the metrical paraphrases of the subjectmatter of the Pentateuch, the book of Joshua etc (see § 403, 5); New Testament subjects by Juvencus, Sedulius (carmen paschale) and Arator (history of the Apostles). Side by side with panegyrics on Emperors as still composed by Claudian, Apollinaris Sidonius (on Avitus, Maiorianus and Anthemius), Merobaudes (on Aëtius), Corippus (on Anastasius) and Venantius Fortunatus (on Frankish nobles), were produced eulogistic poems (epic hymns) on God, Christ, Christian martyrs and saints, and on bishops and popes. On Christ, e.g. by Mamertus Claudianus (? see § 468, 5), on martyrs especially by Damasus, Prudentius (πEpì σteþávwv) and Paulinus of Nola (Felix). Martin of Tours was made the object of laudatory epics by Paulinus of Perigueux and Venantius Fortunatus, who also eulogised other bishops. On the other hand, under the influence of the school of rhetoric, panegyrics continued also to be composed in epic metre on subjects, both light and serious, taken from Paganism. 1. Enumeration of Christian epic writers ap. VENANT. FORT. vita Mart. 1, 14– 25. Collections: GFABRICIUS, poetarum vett. ecclesiasticorum opera christiana et operum reliq. ac fragm., Bas. 1564. PLEYSER, hist. poetarum et poematum medii aevi decem post annum a Chr. n. 400 saeculorum, Halle 1721. HENRY, hist. de la poésie chrétienne, Paris 1856. Cf. § 30, 2. 2. The less sacred character of the Old Testament permitted even Christian poets a freer treatment of their subjects. Christian poems by unknown authors were in the MSS. appended to the works of particular patristic writers, especially Tertullian, Cyprian and Lactantius, and for a long time were accepted as the work of those writers. Thus the original Epyllia Sodoma (166 hex.) and De Iona (actually rather de Ninive, preserved in an incomplete state, 105 hex.)—both by one author, probably written in the first half of the 4th century, attributed sometimes to Cyprian (in HARTEL'S Cyprian 3, 289. 227), sometimes to Tertullian. LMÜLLER, RhM. 22, 329. 464. 27, 486. AEBERT., Lit. des MA. 1, 116. In MSS of Cyprian, and therefore in HARTEL 3, 283, we find besides 85 hexameters addressed to a Consular who had apostatised from Christianity to the worship of Isis; de pascha 69 hex.; ad Flavium Felicem de resurrectione mortuorum 406 hex., and a fragment of a versifi |